Suchergebnisse

The main idea of the article is to define and detect the changes in Lithuanian identity construction in relation to ethnic Other. For this reason, users' generated content, i.e. readers' comments as a polyphonic text created by the Lithuanian W2.0 community in response to the publications about Chinatowns and Chinese activities in Lithuania published in the popular national internet-portal DELFI.lt during 2006-2008 and 2013, is analyzed. The concept of orientalism that refers to a set of cultural practices and discourses usually defined as ethnocentrism, prejudicial stereotyping etc., is used for the interpretation of data. The main outcome of the research suggests that Lithuanian orientalism appears mainly as sinophobia which is not related to the actual number of Chinese settled in Lithuania. It may be also said that by actualizing Chinese "invasion" in Lithuania the mass media provoke the publicity of sinophobic sentiments. At present, de-actualization of the Chinese topic in the Lithuanian on-line mass media, on the one hand, and strengthening of the total legal control of the users' generated content, on the other hand, can be observed. In the context of the forced spread of political correctness in the (W2.0) public sphere both processes influenced a suppression of sinophobic sentiments in public more than actual changes in the national identity. Finally, it is possible to presume that the Lithuanian W2.0 public sphere is similar to the W2.0 public sphere of other democratic countries. It is closer to Mediterranean countries in its democratic quality of users' generated content, i.e. the national community mainly uses the W2.0 public sphere to reproduce hegemonic attitudes and express its frustration with the authorities instead of leading argumentative debates.

The main idea of the article is to define and detect the changes in Lithuanian identity construction in relation to ethnic Other. For this reason, users' generated content, i.e. readers' comments as a polyphonic text created by the Lithuanian W2.0 community in response to the publications about Chinatowns and Chinese activities in Lithuania published in the popular national internet-portal DELFI.lt during 2006-2008 and 2013, is analyzed. The concept of orientalism that refers to a set of cultural practices and discourses usually defined as ethnocentrism, prejudicial stereotyping etc., is used for the interpretation of data. The main outcome of the research suggests that Lithuanian orientalism appears mainly as sinophobia which is not related to the actual number of Chinese settled in Lithuania. It may be also said that by actualizing Chinese "invasion" in Lithuania the mass media provoke the publicity of sinophobic sentiments. At present, de-actualization of the Chinese topic in the Lithuanian on-line mass media, on the one hand, and strengthening of the total legal control of the users' generated content, on the other hand, can be observed. In the context of the forced spread of political correctness in the (W2.0) public sphere both processes influenced a suppression of sinophobic sentiments in public more than actual changes in the national identity. Finally, it is possible to presume that the Lithuanian W2.0 public sphere is similar to the W2.0 public sphere of other democratic countries. It is closer to Mediterranean countries in its democratic quality of users' generated content, i.e. the national community mainly uses the W2.0 public sphere to reproduce hegemonic attitudes and express its frustration with the authorities instead of leading argumentative debates.

The main idea of the article is to define and detect the changes in Lithuanian identity construction in relation to ethnic Other. For this reason, users' generated content, i.e. readers' comments as a polyphonic text created by the Lithuanian W2.0 community in response to the publications about Chinatowns and Chinese activities in Lithuania published in the popular national internet-portal DELFI.lt during 2006-2008 and 2013, is analyzed. The concept of orientalism that refers to a set of cultural practices and discourses usually defined as ethnocentrism, prejudicial stereotyping etc., is used for the interpretation of data. The main outcome of the research suggests that Lithuanian orientalism appears mainly as sinophobia which is not related to the actual number of Chinese settled in Lithuania. It may be also said that by actualizing Chinese "invasion" in Lithuania the mass media provoke the publicity of sinophobic sentiments. At present, de-actualization of the Chinese topic in the Lithuanian on-line mass media, on the one hand, and strengthening of the total legal control of the users' generated content, on the other hand, can be observed. In the context of the forced spread of political correctness in the (W2.0) public sphere both processes influenced a suppression of sinophobic sentiments in public more than actual changes in the national identity. Finally, it is possible to presume that the Lithuanian W2.0 public sphere is similar to the W2.0 public sphere of other democratic countries. It is closer to Mediterranean countries in its democratic quality of users' generated content, i.e. the national community mainly uses the W2.0 public sphere to reproduce hegemonic attitudes and express its frustration with the authorities instead of leading argumentative debates.

The main idea of the article is to define and detect the changes in Lithuanian identity construction in relation to ethnic Other. For this reason, users' generated content, i.e. readers' comments as a polyphonic text created by the Lithuanian W2.0 community in response to the publications about Chinatowns and Chinese activities in Lithuania published in the popular national internet-portal DELFI.lt during 2006-2008 and 2013, is analyzed. The concept of orientalism that refers to a set of cultural practices and discourses usually defined as ethnocentrism, prejudicial stereotyping etc., is used for the interpretation of data. The main outcome of the research suggests that Lithuanian orientalism appears mainly as sinophobia which is not related to the actual number of Chinese settled in Lithuania. It may be also said that by actualizing Chinese "invasion" in Lithuania the mass media provoke the publicity of sinophobic sentiments. At present, de-actualization of the Chinese topic in the Lithuanian on-line mass media, on the one hand, and strengthening of the total legal control of the users' generated content, on the other hand, can be observed. In the context of the forced spread of political correctness in the (W2.0) public sphere both processes influenced a suppression of sinophobic sentiments in public more than actual changes in the national identity. Finally, it is possible to presume that the Lithuanian W2.0 public sphere is similar to the W2.0 public sphere of other democratic countries. It is closer to Mediterranean countries in its democratic quality of users' generated content, i.e. the national community mainly uses the W2.0 public sphere to reproduce hegemonic attitudes and express its frustration with the authorities instead of leading argumentative debates.

The main idea of the article is to define and detect the changes in Lithuanian identity construction in relation to ethnic Other. For this reason, users' generated content, i.e. readers' comments as a polyphonic text created by the Lithuanian W2.0 community in response to the publications about Chinatowns and Chinese activities in Lithuania published in the popular national internet-portal DELFI.lt during 2006-2008 and 2013, is analyzed. The concept of orientalism that refers to a set of cultural practices and discourses usually defined as ethnocentrism, prejudicial stereotyping etc., is used for the interpretation of data. The main outcome of the research suggests that Lithuanian orientalism appears mainly as sinophobia which is not related to the actual number of Chinese settled in Lithuania. It may be also said that by actualizing Chinese "invasion" in Lithuania the mass media provoke the publicity of sinophobic sentiments. At present, de-actualization of the Chinese topic in the Lithuanian on-line mass media, on the one hand, and strengthening of the total legal control of the users' generated content, on the other hand, can be observed. In the context of the forced spread of political correctness in the (W2.0) public sphere both processes influenced a suppression of sinophobic sentiments in public more than actual changes in the national identity. Finally, it is possible to presume that the Lithuanian W2.0 public sphere is similar to the W2.0 public sphere of other democratic countries. It is closer to Mediterranean countries in its democratic quality of users' generated content, i.e. the national community mainly uses the W2.0 public sphere to reproduce hegemonic attitudes and express its frustration with the authorities instead of leading argumentative debates.

The main idea of the article is to define and detect the changes in Lithuanian identity construction in relation to ethnic Other. For this reason, users' generated content, i.e. readers' comments as a polyphonic text created by the Lithuanian W2.0 community in response to the publications about Chinatowns and Chinese activities in Lithuania published in the popular national internet-portal DELFI.lt during 2006-2008 and 2013, is analyzed. The concept of orientalism that refers to a set of cultural practices and discourses usually defined as ethnocentrism, prejudicial stereotyping etc., is used for the interpretation of data. The main outcome of the research suggests that Lithuanian orientalism appears mainly as sinophobia which is not related to the actual number of Chinese settled in Lithuania. It may be also said that by actualizing Chinese "invasion" in Lithuania the mass media provoke the publicity of sinophobic sentiments. At present, de-actualization of the Chinese topic in the Lithuanian on-line mass media, on the one hand, and strengthening of the total legal control of the users' generated content, on the other hand, can be observed. In the context of the forced spread of political correctness in the (W2.0) public sphere both processes influenced a suppression of sinophobic sentiments in public more than actual changes in the national identity. Finally, it is possible to presume that the Lithuanian W2.0 public sphere is similar to the W2.0 public sphere of other democratic countries. It is closer to Mediterranean countries in its democratic quality of users' generated content, i.e. the national community mainly uses the W2.0 public sphere to reproduce hegemonic attitudes and express its frustration with the authorities instead of leading argumentative debates.

The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.

The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.

The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.

The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.

The rise and the development of the phenomenon of Islamophobia in Western Europe discourse is investigated in this paper. In this paper we are introduced with rasism and xenophobia factors which has big influence for islamophobia development. In this paper is stated, that this phenomenon has not appeared after terrorist attacks in 2001/9/11 and in London in 2005. The islamophobia appeared gradually as orientalism, later as oil crisis, Saudi Arabia policy in 1973-1974, with revolution of Iran in 1979. It reached our times too. The phenomenon of islamophobia in out times is associated with terrorism, suiciders and cartoons. The main aim of the paper is to explore specific manifestations of islamophobia in Lithuanian mass media and to compare them with analysed United Kingdom case. Cause both of coutries are very different in their historical experience, democracy history and also in media, it is fairly complicated to compare them. The United Kingdom case is like the model or example while exploring Lithuanian case. Because the theory of Islamophobia was fitted in the United Kingdom case, it is more experience of this country, that is why this country was sorted as model to investigate if islamophobia exists in Lithuanian media. The aim of this paper- to adapt the theory of islamophobia in Lithuanian case, o even to confirm that Lithuanian case is very unique.

The rise and the development of the phenomenon of Islamophobia in Western Europe discourse is investigated in this paper. In this paper we are introduced with rasism and xenophobia factors which has big influence for islamophobia development. In this paper is stated, that this phenomenon has not appeared after terrorist attacks in 2001/9/11 and in London in 2005. The islamophobia appeared gradually as orientalism, later as oil crisis, Saudi Arabia policy in 1973-1974, with revolution of Iran in 1979. It reached our times too. The phenomenon of islamophobia in out times is associated with terrorism, suiciders and cartoons. The main aim of the paper is to explore specific manifestations of islamophobia in Lithuanian mass media and to compare them with analysed United Kingdom case. Cause both of coutries are very different in their historical experience, democracy history and also in media, it is fairly complicated to compare them. The United Kingdom case is like the model or example while exploring Lithuanian case. Because the theory of Islamophobia was fitted in the United Kingdom case, it is more experience of this country, that is why this country was sorted as model to investigate if islamophobia exists in Lithuanian media. The aim of this paper- to adapt the theory of islamophobia in Lithuanian case, o even to confirm that Lithuanian case is very unique.