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This article attempts to show the beginnings of Croatian political science. The author considers the 16th-century practical philosophy & political work of Croatian political historians Ivan Polikarp Severitan, Franjo Petric, & Nikola Vitov Gucetic. In spite of the fact that Croatian political philosophy is considerably more diverse in this century, these authors were chosen because their work is representative of the whole, & is quite significant in the development of political science. All wrote about politics & discussed political themes -- especially the creation & function of the political community, government, & authority -- within the parameters long since established by Aristotle. Except for their nationality & ties to the region, the three authors were concerned with actual problems of their era, & were included in political discussions, ie, the identification of sovereignty & postulates upon which political communities are formed. They reaffirmed Greek principles of creation of the state on the basis of unity of ethics, policy, & other attributes. Through these authors, active in different times of the 16th century, we can see a progression in political philosophy -- from a close tie to scholastics to politics as a practical art that adapts to opportunities & conditions. Adapted from the source document.

The author emphasizes the necessity of linking thought & action in order to avoid the dangers of calamitous abstractions of sheer philosophy & sheer politics. Only a tension between philosophy & politics can be fruitful both for philosophy & politics. Jaspers's political writings, the author thinks, are not an appendage of philosophy but its component part. Philosophy is political in itself because it exists & functions solely in freedom. Nevertheless, Jaspers is not an acolyte of Plato's thesis about rulers-philosophers but of Kant's demand that philosophers have the right to speak in public. A man as a man is not only a political but also a philosophical being whose freedom depends on the encounter of philosophy & politics. This does not mean to neglect the fact that philosophers & politicians are faced with a different set of tasks. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the concept of neoclassicism in contemporary political philosophy. The study begins with a description of contemporary neoclassical developments & continues with a precise delineation of Plato's & Aristotle's philosophy of politics. In the end, the author concludes that the antiquity-inspired philosophy of politics today has the corrective function to steer liberal society towards community. Adapted from the source document.

The author first defines the various facets of globalization in today's world, emphasizing the key changes that are intensifying communication among peoples, nations, & cultures all over the world. However, parallel to this, there are other pressing problems: from the ecological crisis, to the realization of human rights, to the anomie of life & work. All this proves that globalization is not only an economic & technical but, ultimately, practically an ethical & political issue. Along the lines of Hegel's philosophy of world history & Aristotle's practical philosophy, the author has come to view contemporary globalization as a step forward for world civilization, ie, as a possibility for the realization of freedom & a good life. Globalization, of course, scares people with its unpredictability & the erratic development of "global society," which (in line with Beck's distinction between the First & the Second Modernism) today is represented as a society of nation-states, on the one hand, & a "global society of transnational actors," on the other. Due to the increasing globalization & the danger of reducing all beings to things, it is central to point out that a human being is not a thing among other things, & that the appreciation & realization of life requires nurturing & cultivating the variety of human knowledge pertinent to different spheres of the historical world of life. Thus, the relevance & the role of practical philosophy is gaining significance regarding the -- to the historical Being -- proper understanding & fulfillment of human potentials in today's world. Adapted from the source document.

The author shows modern conservative concepts of politics as a variant of normative political theory. Conservatism shows up as a reaction to enlightened rationalism. In contrast to rationalistic revolutionary constructivism, conservatism pleads for a return to a religious basis for man's spiritual & political life. Conservatism creates policies based on tradition & the family, which sustains feelings of obligation toward the community. The state is not just an instrument for special interests, but an expression of substantial cooperation in the nation & its society. Thus, conservatism leads to a demand for reforms of existing liberal institutions. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes Arendt's attempt at a rehabilitation of political thinking. He describes the influence of Greek & Roman practical philosophy on Arendt as well as her distancing from Martin Heidegger as a nonpolitical thinker. In the end, the author offers an insight into the failure of the Western metaphysics of the political when confronted with the factuality of a specific political life. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes Arendt's attempt at a rehabilitation of political thinking. He describes the influence of Greek & Roman practical philosophy on Arendt as well as her distancing from Martin Heidegger as a nonpolitical thinker. In the end, the author offers an insight into the failure of the Western metaphysics of the political when confronted with the factuality of a specific political life. Adapted from the source document.

On the occasion of the bicentennial of the publication of Kant's Treatise on Perpetual Peace, the author attempts to evoke & actualize that classic of modern philosophy of politics. According to Hajo Schmidt, the strong point of Kant's concept was his realism, which prevented him from slipping into intellectual, utopian idealization of human nature & political relations among people. Having in mind not only the rational but also irrational aspects of human nature, ie, the insuperable chasm between good & evil, Kant in that respect offers edifying peacemaking propositions. This he achieves by advocating the concepts of free individuals, independent national states, & the cosmopolitan unity of humankind. These three moments make up the content of Kant's concept of republicanism. Their identity & plurality are the foundations of the peace. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.

On the occasion of the bicentennial of the publication of Kant's Treatise on Perpetual Peace, the author attempts to evoke & actualize that classic of modern philosophy of politics. According to Hajo Schmidt, the strong point of Kant's concept was his realism, which prevented him from slipping into intellectual, utopian idealization of human nature & political relations among people. Having in mind not only the rational but also irrational aspects of human nature, ie, the insuperable chasm between good & evil, Kant in that respect offers edifying peacemaking propositions. This he achieves by advocating the concepts of free individuals, independent national states, & the cosmopolitan unity of humankind. These three moments make up the content of Kant's concept of republicanism. Their identity & plurality are the foundations of the peace. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the symbolism of the concepts such as stick, rod, club & birch in the metaphorical political terminology. The author shows that these symbols are present not only in the language of Western political philosophy but also in non-Western cultures, though their connotations vary. They are reminiscent of a phallus, a warrior's spear & arrow, a cudgel that a master uses on his disobedient slaves & family members, a shepherd's staff for managing his herd, & the accoutrements used both in black & white magic. Adapted from the source document.

This article's goals are twofold: to demonstrate the fallacy of Popper's depiction of the Athenian democracy in the 5th century BC, especially of its longtime leader Pericles; & to defend Thucydides from Popper's completely unfounded allegations of bias. In line with his vision of an eternal struggle against totalitarianism, Popper attempts to counterbalance totalitarian attitudes whose roots he finds in Plato by expressing the then positive values. He offsets Pericles to Plato, & the Athenian democracy to Plato's idea of the state inspired by Sparta. Popper first finds an enemy & only then constructs the "open society." Democracy in Athens, which Popper advances as a prototype of the open society, in practice, had very little in common with that concept. However, everything that cannot be incorporated into his concept, Popper simply ignores, distorts, & changes. The author dissects Popper's account of the Athenian democracy, & dwells on Pericles's famous funeral oration. He describes how Popper devised the term "open society" by taking Pericles's words out of context, not even shying from using an (altogether) faulty translation of Thucydides. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article's goals are twofold: to demonstrate the fallacy of Popper's depiction of the Athenian democracy in the 5th century BC, especially of its longtime leader Pericles; & to defend Thucydides from Popper's completely unfounded allegations of bias. In line with his vision of an eternal struggle against totalitarianism, Popper attempts to counterbalance totalitarian attitudes whose roots he finds in Plato by expressing the then positive values. He offsets Pericles to Plato, & the Athenian democracy to Plato's idea of the state inspired by Sparta. Popper first finds an enemy & only then constructs the "open society." Democracy in Athens, which Popper advances as a prototype of the open society, in practice, had very little in common with that concept. However, everything that cannot be incorporated into his concept, Popper simply ignores, distorts, & changes. The author dissects Popper's account of the Athenian democracy, & dwells on Pericles's famous funeral oration. He describes how Popper devised the term "open society" by taking Pericles's words out of context, not even shying from using an (altogether) faulty translation of Thucydides. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point is Schmitt's definition of the political as the degree of association & dissociation of people. Such a definition of the political results in a dual process: on the one hand, political groupings can be stimulated from all quarters, while on the other, nothing is truly political. The political is a fact that cannot be determined. The author claims that Schmitt's thesis might be defended, provided the distinctiveness of the political is upheld without giving up the definition of the political as a degree of intensity. The author discusses whether the concept of the political can be defined independently of political institutions as well as the forms of control of the political. Adapted from the source document.

The impact of the thought of political scientist/philosopher John Rawls on Croatian political science in general, & the department of political science at the U of Zagreb in particular, is commemorated with this overview of the significance of Rawls's writings on justice, tolerance, & the spirit of pluralism as part of a conference held at the university on 7-8 Mar 2003. The effect of Rawls's Theory of Justice on Croatian political philosophy is as great as that of Hobbes's Leviathan & Rousseau's Social Contract. Rawls is commended for his wisdom & call for tolerance, a value in short supply both in recent Eastern European & American history. A. Siegel