Suchergebnisse

Članak donosi pregled najosnovnijih postavki transhumanističkog pokreta. Transhumanistički pokret počinje krajem 20. stoljeća i zalaže se za korištenje tehnologije u svrhu unapređivanja ljudskog stanja. S obzirom na izvjesnu razinu sličnosti s posthumanizmom, pregled transhumanizma počinje analizom osnovnih pojmova: transhumanizam, posthumanizam, transhumano biće i posthumano biće. Nakon toga, transhumanizam se proučava iz perspektive različitih disciplina. Te su discipline: filozofija znanosti, metafizika, etika, filozofija uma, filozofija religije i filozofija politike. ; This paper features an overview of the foundations of transhumanism. The transhumanist movement has existed since the end of the 20th century and espouses the use of technology for enhancing the human condition. Due to a certain level of similarity to posthumanism, this overview of transhumanism begins with an analysis of basic terminology: transhumanism, posthumanism, the transhuman being and the posthuman being. After that, transhumanism is studied from the perspectives of different disciplines. These disciplines are: philosophy of science, metaphysics, ethics, philosophy of mind, philosophy of religion and political philosophy.

Philosophy of politics is currently going through an extremely grave crisis. The crisis of the political is apparent everywhere. Political interpretation in the conditions of the contemporary age is seriously shaken. This in turn brings into question the segment of society which is an essential part of the cultural identity of the West. One might say that, throughout the 20th century, no one inquired into the position of politics as thoroughly as Hannah Arendt. Her major contribution had to do with understanding the relation between philosophy and the application of its principles in politics, and her basic estimation was that the application of principles of philosophical thought on politics had devastating consequences. Although philosophy as metaphysics, since Plato and Hegel, contributed greatly to consideration of the political, Hannah Arendt was nonetheless of the opinion that the original sense of the political was lost in such philosophy and that the application of principles of philosophical thought on politics caused the political to be forgotten. The text provides a brief outline of Plato's perception of the relation between philosophy and politics, postulating the philosophical ideal that the veritable political community (polis) must be measured according to philosophical thought, and on the basis of principles of constitution of thought itself. On the other hand, Aristotle calls upon the ethos of the existing polis, but he always analyses the political under the primacy of philosophical principles. Arendt thus deems that Aristotle also considers the relevant knowledge of the political to be philosophical. She points out that political philosophy always discriminated against opinion and variety, and consequently also against the political as such. Aristotle and Kant are partly excluded from this judgment. Since the political categories created in the philosophy of politics determine our understanding of politics to this day, Arendt subjects them to criticism. Her different understanding of the political is manifest in her analyses of the fundamental political categories (government, power, force, authority, freedom), which can be adequately grasped only on the basis of relations between people, and not of some substantial and unquestionable domain. Adapted from the source document.

The Periodicals Hrvatski jezik and Jezik The paper discusses the tradition of Croatian linguistic normative periodicals beginning with Ivšić's periodical Hrvatski jezik and continued with Jezik, periodical for the culture of Croatian standard language. There is a description of the programme guidelines of both periodicals that are also recognized as the guidelines of modern Croatian linguistics: purity and regularity of the Croatian language, reliance on the tradition, appreciation of Croatian as a tridialectal language. Through the personalities of Ljudevit Jonke, Stjepan Babić and Sanda Ham as editors of Jezik, the paper discusses the strong Croatian editorial politics and the reactions of Croatian linguists on topical events in the language. This primarily means the resistance against unitarianist pressure which, in the times of Jonke and Babić, posed a great threat for the Croatian language. Furthermore, the paper deals with the important role of the periodical Jezik in forming the culture of Croatian standard language and shaping the relation of the Croatian cultural community and of Croatian general public towards the Croatian language.

The author writes about Jefferson's political philosophy. There is no text by Jefferson that would set out a certain political issue. There are numerous texts of his, written in the course of fifty years, but a collage of them would not amount to a political theory or a doctrine. Jefferson was not interested in theoretical but solely in technical & practical issues. This makes him a typical 18th-century lawyer of the common law vein. Common law of that time was an amateur area, devoid of any technical or professional expertise & part of general moral principles. Jefferson was deft at formulating the widely held ideas of his time, embracing some century-old well-known political truths by Grotius, Milton, Locke, & Burlamaqui. The author suggests that Jefferson was first & foremost a statesman, & his judgments were politically tainted. Nevertheless, he was the most educated statesman ever among American presidents. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the meaning of law in Kant's practical philosophy for the constitution of a political community. First, he defines the specific character of modern knowledge by referring to Heidegger & Fink & how this knowledge is reflected in Kant's philosophy of morality & law. Then he goes on to define the external legislation & list its applications. After the author has defined Kant's concept of law, he shows how freedom & its security -- not happiness, well-being, or interest -- are central to Kant's political philosophy. Freedom becomes the foundation of all activities & laws, & freedom can only be based on law & not morality. Thus, individual freedom is possible solely within a law-abiding community. Adapted from the source document.

The author describes Thomas Jefferson's life from his birth to his death. The paper focuses on his place & role in the creation & the formation of the US & the hardships accompanying that process. Multiple links of Thomas Jefferson with the European political scene of his time are depicted. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the attitude of the lawyer Carl Schmitt toward the philosopher Hegel. He considers the way in which Schmitt relates to Hegel & believes his references to Hegel are not justified. Namely, Schmitt was not Hegelian. The author proves his theory with an analysis of the stance of each philosopher toward liberalism, political theology, the friend-enemy theory, & each one's style of reasoning. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the relation between politics, state and religion from the political-science perspective, as part of an analysis and evaluation of tasks, achievements and failures of polity, policy or politics from the standpoint of normative-constructive philosophy of equity. At present the central task of policy is to stimulate and strengthen the Western political culture based on the fundamental distinction between "reasonable" and "unreasonable" pluralism. "Reasonable" pluralism rests on the assumption that the state is a just power, the sovereignty of which can be recognized in distinguishing the "public" and the "private", the just and the good, and, in connection therewith, it is almost self-understandable that such a liberal guaranteed private sphere must be the primary arena of religious practice and religious freedoms. The crucial trait of the relation between state and religion is manifest in the fact that only the legal state and the liberal constitution are competent to state what the freedom of individuals consists of within the framework of norms of what is just. The author defines "religion" in the comprehensive sense as central to the processes of forming cultural identity, and he deems that cultural policy (which, in principle, has to do with relations between state and religion), as policy of equitable integration of multi-culturally shaped political unities, must be oriented toward stimulation of those attitudes and values which make possible the reasonable pluralism defined according to Rawls. Since the political encompasses also the possibility to make enemies, the author advocates the cultural policy of "weakening the feelings of enmity" (N. Elias). In this way, a systematic concept of policy would be created, one which would reflect and preserve the conditions of reasonable pluralism. On the policy level and, in particular, on the politics level, cultural policy is a very demanding project. Perhaps it is precisely Switzerland, with its special prospects of civil democracy, that offers promising cultural-policy opportunities for activity, which are as yet still insufficiently researched. Adapted from the source document.

The central preoccupation of Dag Strpic is the theoretical paradigm of understanding modernity -- specifically, in the sense of Marx's project of political economy critique. The focal point of his line of argument is the theory of labour value: a complex perception thereof should acquire core status within the "general theory" of modern society. Marxist political economy insisted on an immediate market application of Marx's value theory, and it showed indirectly that the theory was operatively inapplicable. At the same time, however, in doctrinaire versions of "economics" both the value theory and the entire corps of Marx's critique were dropped out. In opposition to the profuse ideologized practical-normative elaboration of the doctrine of self-administrative association of labour, at the time of its uncontested domination, Strpic clearly discerned that we are dealing with the principal orientation of the epochal social, economic and, above all, technological and communicational transformation which can be observed in global relations. But for him the essential theoretical question had to do with the underlying principles of the actual unfolding of the processes of socialization and association. In this respect, it is fitting at present to point to the paradigmatic change which Negri perceives in the tendential hegemony of non-material labour, resulting in the necessity to circumscribe the political language of transfer from modernity to postmodernity in the analyses of political science and philosophy. Adapted from the source document.

Multilingualism and multiculturalism are core factors underlying the language policy of the European Union. Even bilingual communication is considered as multilingualism since it contributes to the creation of a multilingual society. Hence, European speakers are expected to use at least two parallel language codes (mother tongue and one foreign language). However, most European educational documents (CEFRL, 2005) emphasize the triple multilingual formula according to which, in addition to the mother tongue, the knowledge of at least two other languages is recommended. Scientific research (Pavličević-Franić, 2011), confirms the fact that vertical correlation between two language codes within the same mother tongue most commonly occurs in Croatian primary school practice. Nevertheless, due to the introduction of a foreign language in the first grade of primary school, horizontal plurilingualism is increasingly being recognized, which leads to the creation of an interlanguage field. Such a communicational situation necessarily requires a new approach to the process of learning and teaching Croatian language because monolingual preschool children become plurilingual students. The aim of this research was to examine the influence of different language codes on the process of mastering the Croatian standard language, particularly on the development of communicative competence, as well as to determine the transfer of language elements within the interlanguage field. The statistical sample consists of students in junior grades of elementary school. The Test of communicative competence was conducted (Aladrović Slovaček, 2012). Results show that the existence of parallel language codes is not an obstacle, but an advantage in a plurilingual school environment and that such a situation will have a positive impact on the process of learning the Croatian standard language in the early language period. ; Višejezičnost i višekulturalnost jezgreni su čimbenici jezične politike Europske unije. Već se i bilingvalna komunikacija smatra višejezičnošću jer pridonosi stvaranju multilingvalne društvene zajednice. Od europskih se govornika, dakle, očekuje uporaba barem dvaju jezika (materinski i jedan strani jezik). No, u većini europskih obrazovnih dokumenata (ZEROJ, 2005) ističe se trojna višejezična formula prema kojoj se, uz materinski, preporučuje poznavanje još dvaju jezika. Dosadašnja istraživanja (Pavličević-Franić, 2011) potvrđuju činjenicu da se u hrvatskoj osnovnoškolskoj praksi najčešće očituje vertikalni suodnos dvaju jezičnih kodova unutar istoga materinskoga jezika. No, uvođenjem stranoga jezika u 1. razred osnovne škole, sve češće se registrira horizontalna višejezičnost, što dovodi do stvaranja međujezičnoga polja. Takva komunikacijska situacija nužno zahtijeva nove pristupe u procesu učenja hrvatskoga jezika jer jednojezična djeca postaju višejezični učenici. Cilj je istraživanja, stoga, bio ispitati povezanost različitih jezičnih kodova i procesa ovladavanja hrvatskim standardnim jezikom, osobito u razvoju komunikacijske kompetencije, kao i utvrditi vrste jezičnih transferencija unutar međujezičnoga polja. Statistički uzorak čine učenici mlađih razreda osnovne škole među kojima je proveden Test lingvističke i komunikacijske kompetencije (Aladrović Slovaček, 2012). Rezultati pokazuju postojanje paralelnih jezičnih kodova koji nisu prepreka, nego prednost u višejezičnoj školskoj sredini i koji pozitivno utječu na proces učenja hrvatskoga standardnoga jezika u ranojezičnome razdoblju.

If anyone can be considered the creator of American democracy & its most influential promoter, it is Thomas Jefferson. American democracy is deemed Jeffersonian -- rightly & doubly so: Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence (1776), the basic political & constitutional act, but he also inspired, created, & proselytized American democracy all over the world. Tocqueville considered him to be the sturdiest apostle of democracy ever. Jefferson is one of the few scholars & politicians whose belief in the value & the possibilities of democracy never wavered. His political credo

The author draws our attention to the European unfamiliarity with American political thought. He also talks about Jefferson's natural law theory that he took over from Locke & adapted to American circumstances. The features of American political thought are outlined by means of comparing common law & rule of law with the concept of Rechtstaat. The author suggests that natural law & common law are a powerful determinant of the concept of republicanism that deeply influences American political thought. Adapted from the source document.

According to his own words, Jefferson's guideline while composing the American Declaration of Independence was "to harmonize the political sentiments of the day." This text is an attempt to explain the meaning & the underlying tenor of that statement. It focuses on the analysis of the structure of the Declaration, which is both a political & legal text & is rooted in the rationalist tradition. Structured as a legal syllogism based on the unfamiliar premises at the time of its compilation, the Declaration anticipates, rather than reflects, the "sentiments of the day." Thomas Jefferson's greatness rests not only on the Declaration but also on his consistent application of its principles. Thus, the great American president made sure that through the centuries the dominant political & legal paradigm in the world would follow its stipulations to the letter. Adapted from the source document.

Svrha ovoga rada je ustanoviti temeljni razlog Platonove izjave da je filozofija najveća muzika. Smatrajući da je glavni uzrok pretpostavljenoj nejasnoći te tvrdnje drugačije poimanje muzike i filozofije kod Platona u odnosu na današnje, autor najprije izlaže izvorni grčki pojam muzike uspoređujući ga sa suvremenim. U drugom dijelu istražuje Platonov odnos prema muzici, ispitujući kakvu joj je ulogu dodijelio u svojoj filozofiji. Pokazuje se kako je uvriježena predodžba o Platonovu omalovažavanju pjesništva pogrešna. Svoje viđenje slo­ženijeg i pozitivnijeg Platonova odnosa prema muzici autor povezuje s njegovim političkim favoriziranjem frigijskog modusa, otkrivajući u tome slabo zapažen dionizijski aspekt kod Platona. Zaključuje se da tek uz brižljivu kulturološku kontekstualizaciju grčke filozofije postaje jasno zašto je ona za Platona bila najveća muzika. ; The purpose of this paper is to establish a fundamental reason for Plato's claim that philosophy is the greatest music. Holding that the main reason for its supposed unclearness is in fact a discrepancy in understanding of music and philosophy in Plato in respect to modern meaning, author firstly elaborates on the original Greek notion on music and compares it with the contemporary one. In the second part of the paper, author explored Plato's relationship with music, examining what role did he give to the music in his philosophy. It turns out that the traditional view of Plato's negative attitude towards music is false. Author provides a reader with a more complex analysis of the problem and offers a positive view on music in respect to Plato, which he then links to Plato's political preference of Phrygian mode, pointing towards rarely observed Dionysian aspect in Plato's thought. Only a proper cultural contextualization of Greek philosophy can get us closer to understanding why, for Plato, philosophy was greatest kind of music.

Hannah Arendt pondered the meaning of the concept of the faculty of judgment from the philosophical angle in relation to a concrete historical phenomenon, the epoch she characterized as the "bankruptcy of human sanity," ie, the epoch of national socialism. That bankruptcy was primarily manifested as a failure of the so-called faculty of judgment, in an age that was witnessing some radical changes in the historical & social conditions of the totality of the practice of life. That is why Arendt is searching for a way out in the so-called reflective faculty of judgments, an alternative for the deficiencies & difficulties of the determining faculty of judgment that it manifests at the time of sweeping crises. In Kant, Hannah Arendt finds the elements of political philosophy that could explain the problematics of the political. However, she does not find these elements in his political philosophy, as might be expected, but in his philosophy of the faculty of judgment. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.