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This chapter presents the successive stages to make changes in the Polish development policy after 1989. The national administration reform of 1990 in the Third Commonwealth of Poland restored the local government after 40 years of non-existence during the time of Polish People's Republic (1944-1989) that was a satellite state of the Soviet Union after the Second World War. Another reform took place in 1998 as a part of preparations for the country's membership in the European Union (EU) from 2004. Currently developed strategic documents are suggesting the use of the "polarization and diffusion model of the development." The authors also discuss the regional policy currently implemented in Poland, which was designed in years 2009-2014. The process of creation of new policy includes plans to reform the policy instruments and to update the strategic framework. Conclusions highlight a need for a clearer division of powers between the center and regional governments and the importance of strengthening the financial basis and institutional capacity building.

This chapter presents the successive stages to make changes in the Polish development policy after 1989. The national administration reform of 1990 in the Third Commonwealth of Poland restored the local government after 40 years of non-existence during the time of Polish People's Republic (1944-1989) that was a satellite state of the Soviet Union after the Second World War. Another reform took place in 1998 as a part of preparations for the country's membership in the European Union (EU) from 2004. Currently developed strategic documents are suggesting the use of the "polarization and diffusion model of the development." The authors also discuss the regional policy currently implemented in Poland, which was designed in years 2009-2014. The process of creation of new policy includes plans to reform the policy instruments and to update the strategic framework. Conclusions highlight a need for a clearer division of powers between the center and regional governments and the importance of strengthening the financial basis and institutional capacity building.

Abstract This article examines the diffusion of independent regulatory agencies (IRAs) in Brazil, demonstrating how important domestic factors interplayed with traditional mechanisms of diffusion lead to an expressive process of agencification. Although top-down, bottom-up and horizontal mechanisms played an important role in the Brazilian agencification process, they fail to explain the creation of IRAs in unexpected sectors or the frequent modifications that occurred at subnational levels in a short period of time. To understand how local political actors adapted the regulatory agency model to the Brazilian institutional legacies, field research was conducted, based on bibliographical, documental, and interviews with key political actors. The specificities of Brazilian federalism and the strategic role of the film industry, bureaucrats and politicians in (re)interpreting the agency model helped to boost the diffusion of IRAs in Brazil.

We study the polarization dependence of optical absorption for a modified Haldane model, which exhibits antichiral edge modes in the presence of sample boundaries and has been argued to be realizable in transition metal dichalcogenides or Weyl semimetals. A rich optical phase diagram is unveiled, in which the correlations between perfect circular dichroism, pseudospin andvalley polarization can be tuned independently upon varying the Fermi energy. In particular, perfect circular dichroism and valley polarization are achieved simultaneously. This combination of optical properties suggests some interesting photonic device functionality (e.g., light polarizer) which could be combined with valleytronics applications (e.g., generation of valley currents). ; M.V. acknowledges the Graphene Flagship grant and the Department of Physics of Tohoku University for its hospitality. The research leading to these results has received funding from "La Caixa" Foundation by supporting M.V. S.R. was supported by the European Union Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under Grant Agreement No. 696656 (Graphene Flagship). ICN2 is funded by the CERCA Programme/Generalitat de Catalunya, and is supported by the Severo Ochoa program from Spanish MINECO (Grant No. SEV-2017-0706). R.S. acknowledges JSPS Kakenhi (Grant No. JP18H01810). N.T.H. acknowledges JSPS Kakenhi (Grant No. JP18J10151). ; Peer reviewed

Under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License 3.0 (CC-BY).-- et al. ; We study the polarization properties of elliptical femtosecond-laser-written waveguide arrays. An analytical model is presented to explain the asymmetry of the spatial transverse profiles of linearly polarized modes in these waveguides. This asymmetry produces a polarization-dependent coupling coefficient, between adjacent waveguides, which strongly affects the propagation of light in a lattice. Our analysis explains how this effect can be exploited to tune the final intensity distribution of light propagated through the array and links the properties of a polarizing beam splitter in integrated optical circuits to the geometry of the waveguides. ; The authors acknowledge funding from FONDECYT Grants No. 1110142 and No. 1120067, Programa ICM P10-030-F, Programa de Financiamiento Basal de CONICYT (FB0824/2008), the Spanish government project FIS 2011-25167, the German Ministry of Education and Research (Center for Innovation Competence program, Grant No. 03Z1HN31), Thuringian Ministry for Education, Science and Culture (Research Group Spacetime, Grant No. 11027-514), the Singapore National Research Foundation and Ministry of Education (partly through the Academic Research Fund Tier 3 MOE2012-T3-1-009), and the German-Israeli Foundation for Scientific Research and Development (Grant No. 1157-127.14/2011). ; Peer Reviewed

Juan Soler and Nicola Bellomo acknowledge the support by the MINECO-Feder (Spain) research Grant Number RTI2018-098850-B-I00, the Junta de Andalucia (Spain) Project PY18-RT-2422, A-FQM-311-UGR18 & B-FQM-580-UGR20. Youshan Tao is partially supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China (No. 12171316), and he also acknowledges support of Shanghai Frontiers Science Center of Modern Analysis. MichaelWinkler acknowledges support of the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft in the context of the Project Emergence of Structures and Advantages in CrossDiffusion Systems (No. 411007140, GZ: WI 3707/5-1). ; This paper proposes a review focused on exotic chemotaxis and cross-diffusion models in complex environments. The term exotic is used to denote the dynamics of models interacting with a time-evolving external system and, specifically, models derived with the aim of describing the dynamics of living systems. The presentation first, considers the derivation of phenomenological models of chemotaxis and cross-diffusion models with particular attention on nonlinear characteristics. Then, a variety of exotic models is presented with some hints toward the derivation of new models, by accounting for a critical analysis looking ahead to perspectives. The second part of the paper is devoted to a survey of analytical problems concerning the application of models to the study of real world dynamics. Finally, the focus shifts to research perspectives within the framework of a multiscale vision, where different paths are examined to move from the dynamics at the microscopic scale to collective behaviors at the macroscopic scale. ; Spanish Government RTI2018-098850-B-I00 ; Junta de Andalucia European Commission PY18-RT-2422 A-FQM-311-UGR18 B-FQM-580-UGR20 ; National Natural Science Foundation of China (NSFC) 12171316 ; Shanghai Frontiers Science Center of Modern Analysis ; German Research Foundation (DFG) 411007140 ; GZ: WI 3707/5-1

Cross-national research aiming to explain democracy normally focuses either on internal or external factors as relevant for a country's level of democracy. However, several scholars argue that democratization is not a completely domestic process. This study, with diffusion theory as a point of departure, shows how the two perspectives can be simultaneously examined. With the help of a theoretical framework that separates factors into different analytical levels, quantitative analyses make it possible to reach empirical results that examine the relevance of diffusion when it comes to countries' levels of democracy, while controlling for internal variables. The results show that the effects of diffusion disappear when controlling for internal characteristics. In some cases, though, deviations to domestic explanations can be handled by addressing international influence instead. In general, it is reasonable to argue that the most powerful explanations for democracy are the traditional internal circumstances such as wealth and education. ; Jämförande studier med ambitionen att förklara länders nivå av demokrati väljer normalt en av två vägar. Det ena alternativet, och möjligen det mest frekventa, innebär att man försöker förklara länders demokratinivå utifrån egenskaper som man finner inom respektive fall. Oftast uttrycks detta genom att man tar fasta på länders ekonomiska utveckling, välstånd och kultur och försöker relatera det till deras demokrati. Det andra alternativet betraktar demokratiseringsprocesser som fenomen som inte huvudsakligen beror på interna karaktäristiska utan som istället beror på spridandet av idéer, det som benämns som diffusion. En begränsning som kännetecknar mycket av den rådande forskningen är att kombinationen av dessa båda perspektiv sällan förekommer. Den här studien har till uppgift att undersöka effekten av diffusion på länders nivå av demokrati samtidigt som länderspecifika egenskaper hanteras. För att beskriva de många relationer som stater idag har med andra länder används ofta beteckningen globalisering. Givet att de flesta länder idag har relationer med andra länder inom många olika områden förefaller det rimligt att fästa fokus på denna utgångspunkt även när demokratisering diskuteras. Möjligheten att sprida idéer från ett land till ett annat borde också idag vara långt större än tidigare. Successivt så har också det forskarsamhälle som studerar demokrati accepterat denna verklighetsbeskrivning. Forskning inom både kulturgeografi och statsvetenskap har bidragit med viktiga resultat. Man har kunnat leda i bevis att demokratier är geografiskt sett samlade och att grannländer ofta har likartade nivåer av demokrati. Till och med när viss kontroll sker för de traditionella förklaringarna för demokrati visar sig diffusionsfaktorer vara av vikt. En begränsning i många av dessa studier är dock att de är underspecificerade i relation till landkaraktäristiska. Man kontrollerar inte, med andra ord, i tillräckligt hög utsträckning för de olika tänkbara faktorerna som är uttryck för länders interna egenskaper och som kan tänkas förklara demokratinivå. Genom att pröva tre olika indikatorer för diffusion i relation till två olika kategorier av interna förklaringskrafter hanterar denna studie denna brist. Detta sker genom en analytisk åtskillnad mellan tre olika nivåer av teoretiskt grundade förklaringskrafter. De empiriska testen sker i formen av tvärsnittsanalyser genom i huvudsakligen regressionsanalyser på ett material som utgör i princip samtliga av världens stater. Undersökningen ger ett antal intressanta resultat. Effekten av diffusion på demokratinivå framstår som oklar men efter omfattande kontroll för exogen variation förefaller det som att denna faktor är svag i relation till andra förklaringskrafter. Traditionella förklaringar som betydelsen av ekonomisk utveckling och välstånd och religion framstår istället som de centrala variablerna. Även det tillägg som på senare år har gjorts till denna teoribildning kan verifiera. Det avser att ett ekonomiskt välstånd byggt på oljerikedomar inte har en positiv utan istället en negativ relation med demokratinivå. Sammanfattningsvis är alltså effekten av diffusion utan relevans när vi vill förklara variationen i demokrati bland världens stater. Vissa oklarheter existerar alltjämt vilket pekar på behovet av fortsatt forskning. Förutom vissa inkonsekventa resultat i regressionsanalyserna finns det också länder i datamaterialet vars förhållandevis höga nivå av demokrati är svår att förklara. Kanske kan man tänka sig att de fattiga muslimska länderna i Västafrika (Mali, Senegal och Sierra Leone) som trots allt är demokratiska är det p.g.a. att något av ett demokratiskt kluster har skapats i regionen. Avslutningsvis är det viktigt att understryka att de mest heltäckande förklaringarna till demokrati kan ges när förklaringskrafter som motsvarar olika analytiska nivåer kombineras.

Political discourse is the verbal interaction between political actors in a policy domain. This article explains the formation of polarized advocacy or discourse coalitions in this complex phenomenon by presenting a dynamic, stochastic, and discrete agent-based model based on graph theory and local optimization. In a series of thought experiments, actors compute their utility of contributing a specific statement to the discourse by following ideological criteria, preferential attachment, agenda-setting strategies, governmental coherence, or other mechanisms. The evolving macro-level discourse is represented as a dynamic network and evaluated against arguments from the literature on the policy process. A simple combination of four theoretical mechanisms is already able to produce artificial policy debates with theoretically plausible properties. Any sufficiently realistic configuration must entail innovative and path-dependent elements as well as a blend of exogenous preferences and endogenous opinion formation mechanisms.

The abuse of opioids is harmful to the national economy and health. The U.S. government has spent a lot of time, energy and money to deal with this phenomenon. Based on the topic background and team discussion, we deeply excavated the data and information provided in the topic, determined the current use of opioids, and constructed an improved SIR model to determine the source of drug abuse, the mechanism of drug abuse diffusion and the origin of each state through reverse derivation, which provided guidance for the government in the context of opioid abuse.Based on the above results, we simulated and analyzed the improved SIR model and determined the accuracy and stability of the model in the data set.

With the wide applications of the communication networks, the topic of information networks security is getting more and more attention from governments and individuals. This paper is devoted to investigating a malware propagation model with carrier compartment and delay to describe the process of malware propagation in mobile wireless sensor networks. Based on matrix theory for characteristic values, the local stability criterion of equilibrium points is established. Applying the linear approximation method of nonlinear systems, we study the existence of Hopf bifurcation at the equilibrium points. At the same time, we identify some sensitive parameters in the process of malware propagation. Finally, numerical simulations are performed to illustrate the theoretical results.

Analysis of renal diffusion-weighted imaging (DWI) data to derive markers of tissue properties requires careful consideration of the type, extent, and limitations of the acquired data. Alongside data quality and general suitability for quantitative analysis, choice of diffusion model, fitting algorithm, and processing steps can have consequences for the precision, accuracy, and reliability of derived diffusion parameters. Here we introduce and discuss important steps for diffusion-weighted image processing, and in particular give example analysis protocols and pseudo-code for analysis using the apparent diffusion coefficient (ADC) and intravoxel incoherent motion (IVIM) models. Following an overview of general principles, we provide details of optional steps, and steps for validation of results. Illustrative examples are provided, together with extensive notes discussing wider context of individual steps, and notes on potential pitfalls.This publication is based upon work from the COST Action PARENCHIMA, a community-driven network funded by the European Cooperation in Science and Technology (COST) program of the European Union, which aims to improve the reproducibility and standardization of renal MRI biomarkers. This analysis protocol chapter is complemented by two separate chapters describing the basic concepts and experimental procedure.

Standard spatial models of political competition give rise to equilibria in which the competing political parties or candidates converge to a common position. In this paper I show how political polarization can be generated in models that focus on the nexus between pre-election interest group lobbying and electoral competition.

In dieser Dissertation verwende ich agentenbasierte Modelle, um Licht auf die Ursachen, Auswirkungen und Interdependenzen von Innovationen, ökonomischer Ungleichheit und Polarisierung in Politik und Ökonomie zu werfen. Im ersten Teil replizieren Timon Scheuer und ich das bekannte Keynes+Schumpeter Modell und erweitern es um heterogene Arbeit. Mit Hilfe dieses Modells entwickeln wir eine schumpeterianische Perspektive auf "Skill-biased technological change" und untersuchen die Emergenz von Lohnungleichheiten. Unsere Analyse deutet darauf hin, dass Maßnahmen zur Lohnsteigerung von niedrigqualifizierten Arbeitskräften nur dann langfristigen Erfolg haben können, wenn sie mit Weiterbildungsmaßnahmen kombiniert werden. Im zweiten Teil vereine ich die sogenannten Schumpeter Mark I und Mark II Modelle in einem neuartigen makroökonomischen agentenbasierten Modell. Dieses ist in der Lage, zahlreiche empirische stilisierten Fakten zur Entwicklung kapitalistischer Ökonomien zu reproduzieren. Abhängig von den Parametern erlebt die Modellökonomie entweder eine Kuznets-Kurve oder, wie von Piketty gezeigt, eine Zunahme an Ungleichheit in entwickelten Ökonomien und damit verknüpfte Fakten. Extensive Simulationen zeigen die Effekte von Änderungen des unternehmerischen Handelns und firmeninterner F&E auf Wachstum, Marktkonzentration und Ungleichheit. Im letzten Kapitel entwickle ich ein simples Modell zur Ko-Evolution von Ökonomie, Politik und "Opinion Dynamics" zur Analyse der politischen Ökonomie der Ungleichheit. Das Modell zeigt, dass selbst eine kleine Minderheit die öffentliche Meinung zu ihren Gunsten beeinflussen kann, wenn sie besser über ihre Interessen informiert ist. Dieser Effekt wird drastisch verstärkt, wenn die Minderheit finanzielle Ressourcen einsetzen kann, um Desinformation zu streuen. Innerhalb dieses Modells kann eine Reduktion von ökonomischer Ungleichheit gleichzeitig die ökonomische Effizienz steigern und politische Polarisierung verringern. ; In this doctoral dissertation, I use agent-based models to shed light on the causes, consequences and interrelation between innovations, economic inequality and polarization in politics and the economy. In the first paper, Timon Scheuer and I replicate the well-known Keynes + Schumpeter model and extend it by incorporating heterogeneous labor. We use this model to develop a Schumpeterian perspective on skill-biased technological change and to study the emergence of wage inequality. Our analysis suggests that policies aimed at strengthening the economic position of low-skilled workers must be accompanied by upskilling programs in order to be effective in the long-run. In the second paper, I combine the so-called Schumpeter Mark I and Mark II models to create a novel macroeconomic agent-based model featuring endogenous growth in the number of industries and in productivity. My model is able to reproduce a large array of stylized facts of the development of capitalist economies. Depending on the parameters, the model economy experiences either a Kuznets curve or an increase in inequality in mature economies as emphasized by Piketty, coupled with recent stylized facts on "declining business dynamism". Using extensive policy simulations, I evaluate the impact of changes in the entrepreneurial activity and firm-level R&D on growth, market concentration and inequality. In the final paper, I develop a simple co-evolutionary model of economy, political decision making and opinion dynamics models to study the political economy of inequality. My analysis suggests that even a tiny minority is able to influence public opinion to its favor (and to the detriment of the rest of the population), if it has more access to information about its true interests. This effect is drastically increased, if the minority can use economic resources to sow disinformation. Within this framework, decreasing economic inequality can improve overall efficiency and decrease political polarization. ; Arbeit an der Bibliothek noch nicht eingelangt - Daten nicht geprüft ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Dissertation Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz 2021

This paper studies the increasing migrant population in Chinese cities that created serious challenges for the hosting cities. Ignoring migrants' need for a social integration population might help the government or host society save money in the short term, however, it can sow the seeds of social instability in the long term. Local governments in China are concerned that they have to cope with the economic, social and political pressure resulting from a rapid growth in the urban population. Following the abolishment of the Detention and Eviction System (Shourong Qiansong Zhidu) in 2005, the treatment of migrant workers and migrants in general improved significantly. Until 2015, migrant workers gained greater access to social insurance contributions and benefits, while rural−urban migrant children could attend urban schools. In some smaller cities and large cities in the west, migrant workers could access government-subsidized housing. However, these policy changes did not fully satisfy the demands of the migrant population. This may be due to policies being poorly designed or difficult to implement. It may also be a result of migrants' responses that stem, for example, from marginalization vis-à-vis the urbanization agenda or lack of trust in the system.

Using panel data from the US states, we document a robust negative relationship between state-level government corruption and ideological polarization. This finding is sustained when state polarization is instrumented using lagged state neighbor ideology. We argue that polarization increases the expected costs of engaging in corruption, especially deterring marginal low-level corruption. Consistent with this thesis federal prosecutorial effort falls and case quality increases with polarization. Tangible anti-corruption measures including the stringency of state ethics' laws and independent commissions for redistricting are also associated with increased state polarization.