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Article d'un dossier issu d'un atelier du 9e congrès de l'Association française de science politique qui s'est tenu à Toulouse du 5 au 7 septembre 2007, intitulé « Le militantisme dans les partis de droite ». ; National audience ; In contrast with most young activists in left- and right-wing parties, some of the young Forza Italia activists do not hesitate to present their involvement as a means to obtain material and/or symbolic rewards. Interviews with young Berlusconians conducted at the beginning of Berlusconi's second term (2001-2006) starkly belie what is now the classic model of incentives for political activism (which presupposes a denial of interest in rewards of any kind other than victory for one's cause, an emphasis on sacrifice and the primacy of ideological motivations). Moreover, they invite sociologists to reconsider evidence from the literature on political activism. Nevertheless, behind the defense of entrepreneurial activism lie several difficulties: the risks in case of individual failure, regrets about the relative dearth of collective activities geared toward socialization, the fragility of the positions this type of involvement implies. In the final analysis, the model of a self-interested calling that these young Forza Italia activists embody reflects the more general transformations that democratic political systems have undergone. ; À la différence de la plupart des partis de « gauche » comme de « droite », certains jeunes militants de Forza Italia n'hésitent pas à présenter leur engagement comme un moyen d'accéder à des rétributions d'ordre matériel et/ou symbolique. Contrastant fortement avec le modèle désormais classique des rétributions – qui suppose un déni de l'intérêt militant pour toute forme de récompense dernière autre que la victoire de la cause, une mise en avant du sacrifice et la primauté aux motivations idéologiques – les discours de ces jeunes berlusconiens recueillis par entretiens au début du second gouvernement Berlusconi (2001-2006) invitent à reconsidérer les acquis ...

Political participation is generally taken for an important asset for democracy. In Western settings, participation moved from classical forms as voting and supporting political parties to new, unconventional forms, as protest. During this important change from conventional types of political action, new social categories previously excluded, as women, have been brought in. What about Romanian political participation? Is it as unequal as the former Western conventional participation was many decades ago? And protest, is it the same as in Western settings? If the Western participation is no less than the same kind of participation but by new means of expression, as acknowledged by some scholars, is it the same in Romania? Could one take protest in Romania as undermining the legitimacy of democracy? The conclusion is that Romanian protesters resemble by and large to their Western counterparts and that they are not a serious threat for the still incipient Romanian democracy.

International audience ; Food-related mobilizations and protests include a wide range of practices, from collective acts by producers or consumers to organized social and political movements, from efforts taking place in small local areas to those involving national or international scales of action. Starting from a large and inclusive definition of « food activism », this paper aims to discuss on forms, ideas and practices of food activism that we can observe in Europe. What are the boundaries of food activism and how can we study it? What kinds of economy do « food activists » imagine or practice? What positions do activists defend and what political strategies do they employ inside Europe? Using two case studies - the international Slow Food movement and vegetable baskets systems like AMAP - I will put forward some hypotheses about the paradigms and practices of such activism. Discussing food activism allows us to understand not only the changes that occur over time in the forms of mobilization and their aims, but also links and connections between different food activisms. And it allows us to reflect also about our paradigms and our practices of research. ; Qu'elles soient locales, nationales ou internationales, les mobilisations et les contestations liées à l'alimentation regroupent un large éventail de pratiques allant des actions collectives de producteurs ou de consommateurs aux mouvements sociaux et politiques structurés. À partir d'une définition large et inclusive de la notion de, ce texte explore diverses formes, conceptions et pratiques du food activism observables en Europe. Comment pouvons-nous analyser le food activism et quelles sont ses limites ? Quels types d'économie imaginent ou pratiquent les food activists ? Quels types de positions défendent-ils et quelles stratégies mettent-ils à l'œuvre en Europe ? À partir de deux cas d'étude – le mouvement international Slow Food et les systèmes de paniers de légumes de type AMAP –, il s'agira d'avancer quelques hypothèses concernant les paradigmes et ...

International audience ; Food-related mobilizations and protests include a wide range of practices, from collective acts by producers or consumers to organized social and political movements, from efforts taking place in small local areas to those involving national or international scales of action. Starting from a large and inclusive definition of « food activism », this paper aims to discuss on forms, ideas and practices of food activism that we can observe in Europe. What are the boundaries of food activism and how can we study it? What kinds of economy do « food activists » imagine or practice? What positions do activists defend and what political strategies do they employ inside Europe? Using two case studies - the international Slow Food movement and vegetable baskets systems like AMAP - I will put forward some hypotheses about the paradigms and practices of such activism. Discussing food activism allows us to understand not only the changes that occur over time in the forms of mobilization and their aims, but also links and connections between different food activisms. And it allows us to reflect also about our paradigms and our practices of research. ; Qu'elles soient locales, nationales ou internationales, les mobilisations et les contestations liées à l'alimentation regroupent un large éventail de pratiques allant des actions collectives de producteurs ou de consommateurs aux mouvements sociaux et politiques structurés. À partir d'une définition large et inclusive de la notion de, ce texte explore diverses formes, conceptions et pratiques du food activism observables en Europe. Comment pouvons-nous analyser le food activism et quelles sont ses limites ? Quels types d'économie imaginent ou pratiquent les food activists ? Quels types de positions défendent-ils et quelles stratégies mettent-ils à l'œuvre en Europe ? À partir de deux cas d'étude – le mouvement international Slow Food et les systèmes de paniers de légumes de type AMAP –, il s'agira d'avancer quelques hypothèses concernant les paradigmes et les pratiques de ces activismes. Interroger le food activism nous permet de comprendre non seulement les changements qui affectent dans le temps ces formes de mobilisation et leurs objectifs, mais aussi les liens et connexions entre différents types d'activismes liés à la sphère de l'alimentation. Cela nous conduit parallèlement à interroger nos propres paradigmes et nos propres pratiques de recherche.

International audience ; Food-related mobilizations and protests include a wide range of practices, from collective acts by producers or consumers to organized social and political movements, from efforts taking place in small local areas to those involving national or international scales of action. Starting from a large and inclusive definition of « food activism », this paper aims to discuss on forms, ideas and practices of food activism that we can observe in Europe. What are the boundaries of food activism and how can we study it? What kinds of economy do « food activists » imagine or practice? What positions do activists defend and what political strategies do they employ inside Europe? Using two case studies - the international Slow Food movement and vegetable baskets systems like AMAP - I will put forward some hypotheses about the paradigms and practices of such activism. Discussing food activism allows us to understand not only the changes that occur over time in the forms of mobilization and their aims, but also links and connections between different food activisms. And it allows us to reflect also about our paradigms and our practices of research. ; Qu'elles soient locales, nationales ou internationales, les mobilisations et les contestations liées à l'alimentation regroupent un large éventail de pratiques allant des actions collectives de producteurs ou de consommateurs aux mouvements sociaux et politiques structurés. À partir d'une définition large et inclusive de la notion de, ce texte explore diverses formes, conceptions et pratiques du food activism observables en Europe. Comment pouvons-nous analyser le food activism et quelles sont ses limites ? Quels types d'économie imaginent ou pratiquent les food activists ? Quels types de positions défendent-ils et quelles stratégies mettent-ils à l'œuvre en Europe ? À partir de deux cas d'étude – le mouvement international Slow Food et les systèmes de paniers de légumes de type AMAP –, il s'agira d'avancer quelques hypothèses concernant les paradigmes et les pratiques de ces activismes. Interroger le food activism nous permet de comprendre non seulement les changements qui affectent dans le temps ces formes de mobilisation et leurs objectifs, mais aussi les liens et connexions entre différents types d'activismes liés à la sphère de l'alimentation. Cela nous conduit parallèlement à interroger nos propres paradigmes et nos propres pratiques de recherche.

The term queer, when used in the French language, does not echo the same way as in English –then referring to the anglo-saxon context of emergence. The main purpose of this study is to question the phenomena of cultural transfers of queer feminism – which appeared in the mid 1980s in the United States as both a subculture and a movement of critical thinking and activism- into the French context. This cultural translation resulted in pink activism which unlike its anglo saxon original model developed a policy based on strong identity affirmation, on both a collective and individual level. The goal was to beat the French integration system deeply imbued with republican ideals, where the drifts of an abstract universalism had produced blindness towards inequalities therefore the central issue investigated in this research is how this pink activism arose in a French context of opposition to identity-based politics.Moreover, the phenomena of reception and appropriation of queer feminism into the French context must be understood beyond the sole linguistic translation – in all their dimensions, cultural political, theoritical, artistic, etc. This study aims to understand the special features of this activism, from its sometimes uneasy integration among feminist and LGBT movements to its specific applications in terms of cultural and artistic practices, thus questioning the phenomenon of aestheticism of resistance techniques. ; Le terme "Queer" ne résonne pas de la même façon en version originale - le contexte anglo-saxon d'émergence - qu'en version française. L'objectif principal de cette recherche est de questionner les phénomènes de transferts culturels dans le contexte français du féminisme queer, à la fois mouvement de pensée critique, activisme et subculture apparus au milieu des années 1980 aux Etats-Unis. De cette traduction culturelle du mouvement queer en France est né un activisme rose qui à l'inverse du contexte anglo-saxon a développé une politique basée sur une forte affirmation identitaire, à la fois ...

The term queer, when used in the French language, does not echo the same way as in English –then referring to the anglo-saxon context of emergence. The main purpose of this study is to question the phenomena of cultural transfers of queer feminism – which appeared in the mid 1980s in the United States as both a subculture and a movement of critical thinking and activism- into the French context. This cultural translation resulted in pink activism which unlike its anglo saxon original model developed a policy based on strong identity affirmation, on both a collective and individual level. The goal was to beat the French integration system deeply imbued with republican ideals, where the drifts of an abstract universalism had produced blindness towards inequalities therefore the central issue investigated in this research is how this pink activism arose in a French context of opposition to identity-based politics.Moreover, the phenomena of reception and appropriation of queer feminism into the French context must be understood beyond the sole linguistic translation – in all their dimensions, cultural political, theoritical, artistic, etc. This study aims to understand the special features of this activism, from its sometimes uneasy integration among feminist and LGBT movements to its specific applications in terms of cultural and artistic practices, thus questioning the phenomenon of aestheticism of resistance techniques. ; Le terme "Queer" ne résonne pas de la même façon en version originale - le contexte anglo-saxon d'émergence - qu'en version française. L'objectif principal de cette recherche est de questionner les phénomènes de transferts culturels dans le contexte français du féminisme queer, à la fois mouvement de pensée critique, activisme et subculture apparus au milieu des années 1980 aux Etats-Unis. De cette traduction culturelle du mouvement queer en France est né un activisme rose qui à l'inverse du contexte anglo-saxon a développé une politique basée sur une forte affirmation identitaire, à la fois ...

This article is an analysis of the issues connected with the researcher's position during a PhD fieldwork regarding homophobic violence in an African city with a predominantly Sunni Muslim population. Different levels of the researcher's own identity - geopolitical provenance, gender and sexual orientation – are analyzed in relationship to the context of the fieldwork, the topic of the research, and the political choices of the author. The narration follows the changes of the fieldwork, including the description and analysis of certain violent episodes lived by the researcher. This violence is analyzed as the result of attempts to control and judgements, and as an important source of methodological potential. The notions of visibility and invisibility are utilized in a reflexive way to understand how the researcher can use her own placement to build her fieldwork network. This article also analyzes the choices made by the researcher to develop a political engagement in the fieldwork. Such choices had unpredictable – and not only negative – consequences. Such conflictual situations became an important part of the research conducted, and are considered as a fruitful way to reflect on the issues addressed by the fieldwork. ; L'article est une analyse des enjeux liés au positionnement du chercheur, dans le contexte d'une recherche de doctorat sur la violence homophobe dans une ville africaine à majorité musulmane sunnite. Les différents niveaux de l'identité personnelle de l'auteur – provenance géopolitique, genre et orientation sexuelle – sont mis en rapport avec le contexte du terrain, le sujet de recherche et les choix politiques faits. Le récit suit les changements du terrain jusqu'à la description et l'analyse de certains épisodes de violence subis par la chercheuse. La violence potentielle ou effectivement subie est analysée comme le résultat des tentatives de contrôle et des jugements et donc comme une riche source méthodologique de travail. Les notions de visibilité et d'invisibilité sont utilisées de manière réflexive dans le but de comprendre comment la chercheuse peut utiliser son positionnement pour construire son réseau de terrain. En même temps, l'étude veut dénouer les enjeux liés aux choix du chercheur de s'engager politiquement dans la lutte pour les droits des minorités sexuelles. Ce choix a eu des conséquences inattendues, qui n'ont pas été seulement négatives. Dans ce sens les relations conflictuelles avec certains interlocuteurs de terrain sont considérées comme une partie très significative de l'enquête: elles constituent un véritable moyen pour ouvrir de nouvelles pistes d'analyse inattendues.

There are two cases of uncertainty that have led to baseline arguments in favour of less economic policy activism. One, as in Brainard (1967), where this uncertainty relates to the overall effect of the policy; and the other, as in Friedman (1960) for monetary policy, where it relates to time limits for action. It can be seen that a Bayesian approach to uncertainty (used by Brainard) leads to similar results in both cases, but it is only in the case of uncertainty about action times that an approach to uncertainty in terms of robustness (minimax test) necessarily leads to less activism. Moreover, in this case, strong political activism is even weaker than a Bayesian approach would provide. A test of robustness therefore gives full weight to the argument in terms of uncertainty about Friedman's time to act. ; We study and compare two cases of uncertainty which have led to traditional arguments for less activist economic policies. One, as in Brainard (1967), where the uncertainty concerns the global effect of policy; and the other, as in Friedman (1960) for monetary policy, where the uncertainty is about the the lags of the effect of policy. We show that a bayesian approach of uncertainty (which is used by Brainard) leads to similar results in both cases, but that it is only in the case of uncertainty about lags that an approach in terms of robustness (through a minimax criterion) necessarily leads to less activism. Moreover, in that case, the robust policy is even less activist than what a bayesian approach would give. Therefore, a robustness criterion gives its full weight to Friedman's argument relying on uncertainty about the lags of policy. ; There are two cases of uncertainty that have led to baseline arguments in favour of less economic policy activism. One, as in Brainard (1967), where this uncertainty relates to the overall effect of the policy; and the other, as in Friedman (1960) for monetary policy, where it relates to time limits for action. It can be seen that a Bayesian approach to uncertainty (used ...

Student activism, like all types of activism, has undergone a number of fundamental changes over recent decades. These changes have often been reduced to an opposition between membership activism and what Jacques Ion calls post-it activism. Through a series of interviews held with students active within not for profit organisations, political organisations, unions as well as students categorised as alter-activists, this PhD thesis presents an inventory of how different forms of activism work as experimental spaces and influence the identity and political construction of individuals. Moreover, this PhD thesis revises the binary opposition between the militant form of membership activism and the detached form of post-it activism, and contends that the notion of intensity is no longer relevant as it cannot be measured against how long someone is a affiliated to an organisation because today new forms of activism relate to several different spheres in the life of an individual.By articulating the sociology of agency, social movement theory, the sociology of youth and the sociology of the public sphere, this PhD thesis brings to light new shifts in student activism within the context of individualisation and advanced modernity. ; L'engagement étudiant, comme les autres types d'engagement, a subi de nombreuses mutations au cours des dernières décennies, souvent résumées par l'opposition entre une implication timbre et une implication post-it (au sens de Jacques Ion). Cette thèse essaie d'inventorier, au moyen d'une série d'entretiens réalisés auprès d'étudiants engagés dans des structures associatives, politiques, syndicales ou d'étudiants dits alterengagés, les façons dont les engagements, en tant qu'espaces d'expérimentations, influent sur les constructions identitaires et politiques des individus. Par ailleurs, cette thèse propose d'affiner l'opposition entre une forme d'engagement timbre, ou militante, et une forme d'engagement post-it, ou distanciée, pour montrer que la question de l'intensité n'est pas la plus ...

Student activism, like all types of activism, has undergone a number of fundamental changes over recent decades. These changes have often been reduced to an opposition between membership activism and what Jacques Ion calls post-it activism. Through a series of interviews held with students active within not for profit organisations, political organisations, unions as well as students categorised as alter-activists, this PhD thesis presents an inventory of how different forms of activism work as experimental spaces and influence the identity and political construction of individuals. Moreover, this PhD thesis revises the binary opposition between the militant form of membership activism and the detached form of post-it activism, and contends that the notion of intensity is no longer relevant as it cannot be measured against how long someone is a affiliated to an organisation because today new forms of activism relate to several different spheres in the life of an individual.By articulating the sociology of agency, social movement theory, the sociology of youth and the sociology of the public sphere, this PhD thesis brings to light new shifts in student activism within the context of individualisation and advanced modernity. ; L'engagement étudiant, comme les autres types d'engagement, a subi de nombreuses mutations au cours des dernières décennies, souvent résumées par l'opposition entre une implication timbre et une implication post-it (au sens de Jacques Ion). Cette thèse essaie d'inventorier, au moyen d'une série d'entretiens réalisés auprès d'étudiants engagés dans des structures associatives, politiques, syndicales ou d'étudiants dits alterengagés, les façons dont les engagements, en tant qu'espaces d'expérimentations, influent sur les constructions identitaires et politiques des individus. Par ailleurs, cette thèse propose d'affiner l'opposition entre une forme d'engagement timbre, ou militante, et une forme d'engagement post-it, ou distanciée, pour montrer que la question de l'intensité n'est pas la plus pertinente, celle-ci ne pouvant se mesurer uniquement à l'investissement dans une structure dans le temps mais concernant plusieurs sphères de la vie d'un individu. Proposant une articulation de la sociologie de l'individu, de la sociologie de l'engagement, de la sociologie de la jeunesse et de celle de la sphère publique, cette thèse cherche à mettre en exergue les mutations des engagements des étudiants dans un monde d'individualisation et de modernité avancée.

Student activism, like all types of activism, has undergone a number of fundamental changes over recent decades. These changes have often been reduced to an opposition between membership activism and what Jacques Ion calls post-it activism. Through a series of interviews held with students active within not for profit organisations, political organisations, unions as well as students categorised as alter-activists, this PhD thesis presents an inventory of how different forms of activism work as experimental spaces and influence the identity and political construction of individuals. Moreover, this PhD thesis revises the binary opposition between the militant form of membership activism and the detached form of post-it activism, and contends that the notion of intensity is no longer relevant as it cannot be measured against how long someone is a affiliated to an organisation because today new forms of activism relate to several different spheres in the life of an individual.By articulating the sociology of agency, social movement theory, the sociology of youth and the sociology of the public sphere, this PhD thesis brings to light new shifts in student activism within the context of individualisation and advanced modernity. ; L'engagement étudiant, comme les autres types d'engagement, a subi de nombreuses mutations au cours des dernières décennies, souvent résumées par l'opposition entre une implication timbre et une implication post-it (au sens de Jacques Ion). Cette thèse essaie d'inventorier, au moyen d'une série d'entretiens réalisés auprès d'étudiants engagés dans des structures associatives, politiques, syndicales ou d'étudiants dits alterengagés, les façons dont les engagements, en tant qu'espaces d'expérimentations, influent sur les constructions identitaires et politiques des individus. Par ailleurs, cette thèse propose d'affiner l'opposition entre une forme d'engagement timbre, ou militante, et une forme d'engagement post-it, ou distanciée, pour montrer que la question de l'intensité n'est pas la plus pertinente, celle-ci ne pouvant se mesurer uniquement à l'investissement dans une structure dans le temps mais concernant plusieurs sphères de la vie d'un individu. Proposant une articulation de la sociologie de l'individu, de la sociologie de l'engagement, de la sociologie de la jeunesse et de celle de la sphère publique, cette thèse cherche à mettre en exergue les mutations des engagements des étudiants dans un monde d'individualisation et de modernité avancée.