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The purpose of this study is to investigate the association between political connections and overinvestment in Indonesia as a democratic, multi-party and developing country. This study uses sample of 1,044 and 543 firm-year observations from listed firms on the Indonesian Stock Exchange from 2012 to 2017. A two-stage model is used to address overinvestment, which used two different measurements, then continued by ordinary least square regression to establish the main analysis result. This study finds that political connection is negatively associated with overinvestment in Indonesia. We also find that this negative association is increasing due to the existence of governance mechanism from both external and internal parties of the firm. Our results indicate that the significant negative associations between political connections with overinvestment, which later is strengthen by governance mechanism might be caused by several differences in institutional setting and/or political connections benefits between the previous research in China and with the place where this research is taken. This paper could give insights in decision-making for stakeholders to anticipate certain harmful issues to the companies that might be occurred by their politically connected top management like directors and commissioners.

This article investigates the relationship between director networks and earnings quality in Malaysia. Using data on 4,416 individual directors who served on the boards of 745 firms listed on Bursa, Malaysia during 2011, we map the entire network of directors and generate measures to reflect the size and quality of information within the network. We find a negative and significant relationship between the overall connectedness of a director's network and the firm's earnings quality. In addition, we find a negative and significant relationship between the political connectedness of the director's network and earnings quality. Our results are robust for different measures of earnings quality.

Politics, coming back to its original meaning which might be defined as influencing other people and which is involves the making of a common decision for people, then, life is never politics-free. When we are thinking, we are contributing in the political life, how to influence or how to be influenced, how to make a decision in life or how to follow a decision. Politics contain of many dimensions, one might think politics in a negative or positive way depending on which dimensions he stick the politics with. Political party is one of the main institutions in the political life which used in practicing the democracy as the representative system needed by the community. It used as a media to transfer the political messages from the community to the government, as peoples' media to send their aspiration to the people 'above', which existence is influencing the development of the policies of the country depending on its effectiveness. As a Muslim-Largest country, Islam has a very important role in Indonesia's political zone. Though, not everything that has an "Islam" name is able to completely represent Islamic values and so some "non-Islam" might also represent Islamic ethical values. The point of this article is to focus more on how is the relationship between politics and Islam in Indonesia by observing the development of Islamic Political Parties and its phenomena. It will be well observed by the historic-phenomenology approach, which is describing and observing the history of Islamic Political Parties in Indonesia and the social facts that happened in the society

This paper explains the conspiracy and involvement boss mine (coal) in several provincial elections (regents and governors) in South Kalimantan. As is known, the political landscape of post Soeharto New Order government that gave birth to democracy and radical change in the institutions of power, namely from the centralized power-authoritarian system to a democratic system of government has spawned a democratic transition which was prolonged until today. In the midst of a prolonged transition to democracy at this time, the arena of democracy has been hijacked and the stage of political and economic power has been controlled by entrepreneurs or local and national capitalist power by doing pesekongkolan between candidates authorities or local authorities that one of them through the local election process. The businessmen are involved as a supplier of funds to the local authorities candidate to win as a form of money politics and transactional politics. In some cases the local elections in South Kalimantan, such as the election of the regent and the governor, political practice is utilized with clarity and has already become a political culture that is structured within massive post-New Order government. Therefore, democracy is being woken up in Indonesia after the New Order.

Abstract: The issues related to political dowry are interminable. This interminability is the result of an indication of political dowry every time a general election or local election is held. Based on that background, this article describes the political dowry's detailed problems. In the beginning, the writer describes the definition of political dowry and its differences from political cost, the reasons for the restrictions, and the law enforcement on political dowry. It ended with some efforts to prevent political dowry.It is found that the definition of political dowry is different from political cost. The regulations restrict the practice of political dowry, but not for the political cost. The political dowry is restricted by law because it is against the national law's interest, which is the interest to have qualified and fair general elections and local elections. Heretofore, there is no legal punishment for the practice of political dowry due to the difficulty to prove the practice. There are some efforts to prevent the practice of political dowry: First, giving intensive supervision from The General Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) and its subdivisions; Second, revising the regulations in the Law of the Local elections for nominating the candidates; Third, revising the regulations in the law of political parties for nominating the candidates of the president and local government; Fourth, assigning the time limitation for the political parties to accept the political cost; and Fifth, enhancing the legal awareness of all parties involving in the practice of general elections or local elections.

Abstract This research was motivated by the problem faced of KPU Kerinci regency in carried out their duties and authority. It was characterized by the lack of neutrality of the committee organizer the implementation of the sub-district (PPK) and the voting committee (PPS), the lack of enthusiasm in the society and the number of people who choosw not registered in the voters list (DPT). This research aims: 1) To describe the socialization given by KPU Kerinci regency in the implementation of local election. 2) To describe the action taken by the KPU Kerinci regency in order the regent and vice-regent candidate act accordance with the rule that have been socialized. 3) To describe how to the sanction given by the Kerinci regency to candidate who violate the rule. This research was descriptive qualitative. The instruments used were interview, questionnaire and documentation. These result indicate that 83% of people stated that the Kerinci regency has been implement the socialization maximally. The action taken by the KPU Kerinci regency to candidate regent and vice-regent to act according to the rule was provide socialization to a pair of candidates on election rules. The sanction given by the KPU Kerinci regency in observed the regent candidate pairs and representative who violate the rule given in the form of administrative sanction.Keywords: Authority, KPU, Political Participation

This study analyzes the effect of political connection and effectiveness of audit committee on audit fee. This study uses the sample of non-financial companies listed on the Indonesia Stock Exchange (IDX) in 2015-2017. They were take using a purposive sampling method. The total number of companies is 444 companies. The data were analyzed using SPSS 20 and the hypothesis testing was done using linear regression with a significance level of 5%. The F test indicates that the research model is stable and significant. The value of R square is 38.4%, indicating that there are other variables that can affect the model by 61.6%. The results of this study show that political connection has a significant positive effect on audit fee and the effectiveness of audit committee also has a significant positive effect on audit fee because audit committee wants a higher audit quality from the auditor.

This study examines the relationship between firm-level political connections and stock price crash risk in Indonesia. It employs the difference-in-difference design to deal with the self-selection bias issue regarding the choice of the firms to become a politically connected firm. We use the sudden resignation of the former President of Indonesia, Suharto, to show that politically connected firms are associated with lower stock price crash risk and that the risk for these politically connected firms increased after Suharto resigned. Furthermore, we found evidence that these negative associations are more pronounced in firms with more complex firm structures.

Since the New Order era mining policy is strongly tended to be political for the fact that this sector is highly promising. The case on Clear and Clean mechanism was full of potency on rent-seeking with the modus of various regulation misuse. Every spot of rent-seeking in this case has provided different opportunity of manipulation. The Clear and Clean case also shown about the strength of central government against local government. The local government was considered as the party that resembles the business owner so it was their duty to save the asset. The strength of patron-client in clear and clean policy was mainly proven by the fact of the appearance of Individual triangle alliance as a broker. This also explained that woman and paranormal as third person was strongly very influential in lobbying between the interest business owners and bureucrates. The result of research also reconfirmed about the strength of patron-client model. This model was indicated by the existance of strength informal actors that penetrated the environment of formal bureaucracy. Strength of those informal actors was the main key of access business owner in the rent-seeking network and circle in different spots.

Digitalization in the modern era has provided opportunities for the youths to participate in this information and social spheres. The concentrated use of social media has contributed to the astonishing factor among the voters where social media has changed the preferences of youths toward the right to vote. The research aims to investigate the contributions and preferences of youths toward political participation in the contemporary discussion in Indonesia. This research was quantitative research using a purposive random sampling technique to give equal opportunity to each respondent. The mode of data collection was an online survey. The majority of the respondents in this research were the student of the universities. Data were collected in April 2019 to examine the interest of youths in general elections in Indonesia. This research found that social media and Social Networking Sites (SNSs) have provided a unique platform to discuss political matters and 'take apart' in political discussions. Existing in-depth researches on this phenomenon show that political awareness among youths in Indonesia is an essential part and social media is the leading indicator. This research suggested some recommendations for to usage of social media for the socialization of youths. ; Digitalisasi di era modern telah memberikan peluang bagi generasi muda untuk berpartisipasi dalam bidang informasi dan sosial ini. Penggunaan media sosial yang terkonsentrasi telah berkontribusi pada faktor menakjubkan di antara para pemilih di mana media sosial telah mengubah preferensi kaum muda terhadap hak untuk memilih. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menyelidiki kontribusi dan preferensi generasi muda terhadap partisipasi politik dalam diskusi kontemporer di Indonesia. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kuantitatif dengan menggunakan teknik purposive random sampling untuk memberikan peluang yang sama bagi setiap responden. Mode pengumpulan data dalam penelitian ini menggunakan survei online. Mayoritas responden dalam penelitian ini adalah mahasiswa universitas. Data dikumpulkan pada April 2019 untuk menyelidiki minat generasi muda dalam pemilihan umum di Indonesia. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa media sosial dan situs jejaring sosial (Social Networking Sites atau SNS) telah menyediakan platform yang unik untuk mendiskusikan masalah politik dan 'mengambil terpisah' dalam diskusi politik. Penelitian ini menyarankan beberapa rekomendasi untuk penggunaan media sosial untuk sosialisasi generasi muda.

This study aims to determine and explore how Islam and Malay as an intertwined entity influence the formation of political institutions in the Sultanate of Palembang, especially influencing the appointment and succession of the Sultan. This study is the result of qualitative research based on a literature review using interpretive analysis techniques. In the practice of Islam in Indonesia, cultural values of non-Islamic religions are maintained and practiced by Islamic entities such as practices in the replacement of the King and Sultan. A theoretical approach to society by looking at the evolution of kings approached to explain the history of state administration and the transition of power, combined with Elite; Political Culture, and Cultural Politics. The results of this study found that the system of appointment and change of power in the Sultanate of Palembang, namely the existence of its characteristics associated with a blend of Malay and Javanese culture. Differences in political culture greatly influence the process of succession that occurs. Malay culture which emphasizes more on its economy in the maritime field and Arabic symbols will be different from Javanese culture which is more agrarian and syncretic. ; Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan mengeksplorasi bagaimana Islam dan Melayu sebagai entitas yang saling terkait mempengaruhi pembentukan lembaga-lembaga politik di Kesultanan Palembang, terutama yang mempengaruhi pengangkatan dan suksesi Sultan. Penelitian ini adalah hasil penelitian kualitatif berdasarkan tinjauan literatur menggunakan teknik analisis interpretatif. Dalam praktik Islam di Indonesia, nilai-nilai budaya agama-agama non-Islam dipertahankan dan dipraktikkan oleh entitas Islam seperti praktik-praktik pergantian Raja dan Sultan. Melalui pendekatan teoretis tentang masyarakat sosial dengan melihat evolusi raja-raja yang dijadikan pendekatan untuk menjelaskan sejarah ketatanegaraan dan peralihan kekuasaan, dipadukan dengan Elite; Political Culture, dan Cultural Politics. Hasil penelitian ini menemukan bahwa sistem pengangkatan dan pergantian kekuasaan di Kesultanan Palembang, yaitu adanya karakteristik yang terkait dengan perpaduan budaya Melayu dan Jawa. Perbedaan budaya politik sangat mempengaruhi proses suksesi yang terjadi. Budaya Melayu yang lebih menekankan pada perekonomian di bidang maritim dan simbol-simbol Arab akan berbeda dengan budaya Jawa yang lebih agraris dan sinkretis.

Corruption is a crime against humanity which is classified as an extraordinary crime. The reform movement that took place in 1998 was motivated by public distrust of the ruling government at that time which was thought to be full of collusion, corruption and nepotism (KKN). After the government in power at that time fell, it was followed by a reformation government. One of the agendas of the reform government is the Eradication of Collusion, Corruption and Nepotism (KKN). Various efforts have been made by the government in preventing and eradicating corruption but corruption is still growing. In the midst of rampant corruption committed by public officials, who in fact mostly come from Political Party cadres, it is only natural for political parties (Parpol) to take responsibility and play a role in anti-corruption measures. Through this paper the author tries to look at the factors behind public officials committing acts of corruption, most of which are thought to come from political party cadres (parpol) and see the role of political parties in the prevention and eradication of corruption.From the above discussion, it can be concluded that all efforts and actions through various approaches have been made by law enforcement officials to prevent and eradicate corruption that has been running for years in this country. The responsibility of political parties (parpol) can be started from the recruitment of party cadres before being distributed to various public positions in the government. Political parties are also responsible for cadres who are involved in criminal acts of corruption by not obstructing law enforcers in the investigation and investigation process carried out.Keywords: Political parties, prevention and eradication of corruption.

This paper deals with the existence of customary courts in Aceh in the national judicial system. From formal-juridical perspective, the existence of customary courts is not clearly stated; however, the practices of community have indicated that most of civil disputes and criminal offenses were resolved by the customary courts in Aceh. The question relates to such issues as administration of Aceh customary courts, duties of functionaries in this customary courts, and its existence within the national judicial system. This paper shows that, although the local government of Aceh does not legally include customary court as one of the state official justices, this kind of court has been sociologically recognized in resolving disputes that occur in the society. Furthermore, the local government of Aceh has codified it in the form of qānūn (legal code). ; This paper deals with the existence of customary courts in Aceh in the national judicial system. From formal-juridical perspective, the existence of customary courts is not clearly stated; however, the practices of community have indicated that most of civil disputes and criminal offenses were resolved by the customary courts in Aceh. The question relates to such issues as administration of Aceh customary courts, duties of functionaries in this customary courts, and its existence within the national judicial system. This paper shows that, although the local government of Aceh does not legally include customary court as one of the state official justices, this kind of court has been sociologically recognized in resolving disputes that occur in the society. Furthermore, the local government of Aceh has codified it in the form of qānūn (legal code).