Suchergebnisse

An undeniable correlation exists between political leadership & the media environment. This is particularly the case when a president masters the technique of communicating directly with the American people & finds his political power intensified. In this era of growing public disdain for the press & more open & direct media communication between politicians & the public (via the Internet, satellite communication, etc), political leadership is experiencing a newfound period of power. The citizen is no longer simply a spectator, nor is media the sole moderator. As a result, political leaders are more able to set a national agenda, while citizens are empowered to participate in a more direct form of democracy. 59 References. K. A. Larsen

In this examination of women's involvement in formal & informal politics, the author calls for an expansion in the range & diversity of political leaders. The author also calls for more large-scale, collaborative, & multi-method research designs. The absence of an agreed upon definition of leadership is the result of the dominance of male-defined & male-dominated environments. Since the study of women in political leadership positions is the study of a limited universe of women, generalizations are difficult. Three strains of emergent research on women in office are delineated. In addition, the author stresses the need for new research on feeder institutions & the military, the power of women in politics, policy issues that are not explicitly gender-related, & research that examines whether or not the number & proportion of women has reached, or surpassed, a "critical mass.". J. Harwell

"The author applies a principal-agent framework to the Commission's 2010 proposals an economic governance (which entered into force at the end of 2011). The euro area's handling of the crisis has been criticised in many circles for being too intergovernmental, and the six-pack proposals were no different. Although the Commission's ability to initiate policy proposals is a key element of its ability to exert leadership, this was thwarted by the Member States and the European Council tightly monitoring the process and continuously instructing the Commission what the new proposals should contain. The creation of the Van Rompuy Task Force added an additional actor to the usual mix that prevented the Commission from receiving its usual credit for the initiatives." (contract)

"The author offers an inter-institutional analysis of the post-Lisbon EU. The Commission does not operate within a vacuum but in a highly complex political system comprised of numerous other institutions and interests. The influence of the Commission or lack thereof can be attributed not only to changes in its powers but also shifting political forces that are directed towards other political actors." (contract)

Summarizes the interdependence between long-term economic growth, political leadership, & global war, tracing changes in this relationship over the past millennium. A political science perspective on world-systems analysis is advanced that focuses on waves of political-economic processes rather than on the specific processes of capital accumulation, capitalism, & the core-periphery division of labor. Alternating periods of concentration & deconcentration in the relations between economics & politics are identified & analyzed in terms of K-waves & long cycles. As the world system is not autonomous, linkages between global & regional politics are also explored. 2 Tables, 2 Figures, 61 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Summarizes the interdependence between long-term economic growth, political leadership, & global war, tracing changes in this relationship over the past millennium. A political science perspective on world-systems analysis is advanced that focuses on waves of political-economic processes rather than on the specific processes of capital accumulation, capitalism, & the core-periphery division of labor. Alternating periods of concentration & deconcentration in the relations between economics & politics are identified & analyzed in terms of K-waves & long cycles. As the world system is not autonomous, linkages between global & regional politics are also explored. 2 Tables, 2 Figures, 61 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Data drawn from a study of local political participation by clergy in Indianapolis are used to examine why clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be politically active than their counterparts in other neighborhoods. Five hypotheses were tested: self-selection (politically motivated clergy choose low-income congregations); personal stake (clergy working in low-income areas are more aware of social problems & have a personal stake in improving them); membership (low-income churches have members who expect political leadership from their clergy); leadership vacuum (low-income neighborhoods have few professionals other than clergy able to assume leadership roles); & government attention (clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be asked to participate by government officials or others concerned with government actions). The results of Poisson multiple regression combined with the classic elaboration paradigm showed existence of a leadership vacuum & government attention to be particularly effective mechanisms in mobilizing urban clergy in low-income areas. Self-selection & membership also impacted the higher rate of clergy political activity but personal stake had little effect. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth

Data drawn from a study of local political participation by clergy in Indianapolis are used to examine why clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be politically active than their counterparts in other neighborhoods. Five hypotheses were tested: self-selection (politically motivated clergy choose low-income congregations); personal stake (clergy working in low-income areas are more aware of social problems & have a personal stake in improving them); membership (low-income churches have members who expect political leadership from their clergy); leadership vacuum (low-income neighborhoods have few professionals other than clergy able to assume leadership roles); & government attention (clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be asked to participate by government officials or others concerned with government actions). The results of Poisson multiple regression combined with the classic elaboration paradigm showed existence of a leadership vacuum & government attention to be particularly effective mechanisms in mobilizing urban clergy in low-income areas. Self-selection & membership also impacted the higher rate of clergy political activity but personal stake had little effect. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth

"Here, we highlight aspects of Helmut Kohl's political leadership and self-presentation. First, we present a taxonomy of self-presentational styles, summarize some biographical aspects, and determine features of his assertive self-presentation in federal election campaigns. Then, we analyze defensive self-presentation with respect to the politics-and-money scandal that ended his political career. Finally, we discuss Kohl's leadership style. We concluded that Kohl's self-presentation never appeared tailored to be pleasant and appealing. With journalists, his interaction style was characterized by dominance and aggression. His demeanor lacked elements of self-doubt. He usually handled problems by 'sitting them out'." (author's abstract)

"The subsequent chapter by Camille Kelbel considers the extent to which the principle of solidarity has been applied to the field of energy and how the Commission has contributed to its development. Although the Lisbon Treaty strengthened the principle of solidarity and introduced energy policy as a shared competence, 'energy solidarity remains largely an empty letter in the absence of political leadership of the Commission'. Kelbel attributes this to the technical quality of energy policy as well as its cross-cutting nature that intersects politically sensitive policies related to the internal market and external relations." (contract)