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Contemporary Latinas and Latinos constitute a growing political influence in American politics. Moreover, in 2000 Latinas/Latinos reached a demographic milestone, surpassing African Americans in becoming the largest ethnic minority group in the United States (see Ennis, et al. 2011 and Grieco and Cassidy 2001 under General Overviews). However, despite important political gains made over the past thirty-five years, Latinas and Latinos continue to experience significant structural and resource barriers to their political incorporation, resulting in enduring forms of marginalization for the population. Latinas specifically inherit a long history of political activism dating back to early resistance against US expansion both in Mexico and the Caribbean and encompassing traditional forms of political behavior including voting and holding elective office. However, because their participation has been concentrated in nontraditional and nonelectoral activities, accounts of their leadership and contributions are frequently overlooked if not diminished. This article provides an overview of Latina political participation beginning in the late 19th century, highlighting literature on the two largest populations of Latinas in the United States: Mexican American and Puerto Rican women. Whether organizing immigrant activists in response to restrictive legislation proposed in Congress, providing feminist critiques of leaders in the Chicano movement, or mobilizing voter turnout in key elections, Latinas have always engaged in politics, and their history of participation is central not only to our understanding of racial, ethnic, and gender politics specifically, but American politics generally.

This article defines both populism and political participation, tells why they are both important and how they interact and interrelate. Program and policy implications are drawn.

Utilizing data from a survey of attitudes and behavior of more than 2,500 residents of selected rural, urban, and university communities in the Federal Republic of Germany, Edward Muller attempts to formulate and to test a general multivariate theory about what motivates individuals to participate in aggressive political action. Since this kind of political behavior is infrequent in addition to being difficult to measure, it rarely has been subjected to rigorous scientific investigation at the micro-level. Professor Muller's study is an attempt to understand the causes of aggressive political participation using quantitative techniques.Originally published in 1979.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905

The purpose of this study is to investigate whether online political participation can predict the strengthening of offline political participation by using privacy concerns as an instrumental variable. Accordingly, the 2SLS analysis was applied using the Korea Media Panel Survey data of 2016 conducted by the Korea Information Society Development Institute (KISDI). As a result, age and ideological inclination were found to be more important factors in offline political participation than by socioeconomic status. In addition, the use of an instrumental variable to control the direction of causality indicates that online political participation reinforces offline political participation. As a result of habituated daily online activities, it is suggested that a new participatory group, especially low socioeconomic strata, may be mobilized due to the influence of online political participation. This research eliminating the possibility of two-way causality between online and offline political participation is meaningful in finding that online participation activities can reinforce offline political participation and that it is possible to mobilize the groups that were alienated from offline political participation.

Political systems differ from one society to another; hence, the involvement of people in the political process of the political system may also differ from one society to another. It is not equal in all the political systems. Participation of people in modem democracies is large as compared to the political systems of the ancient times. The involvement of people in the decision making process of the government, i.e. political participation, is duly affected by several important factors. Some of such common factors are psychological factors, socio-economic factors, political factors and situational factors which always influence the people mostly to take part in the decision or policy formation process of the government. The term Political participation covers all kinds of activities which involve the people in shaping and influencing the political decision making process and in the selection of their rulers, casting of votes in elections, making of organized demands on the political system, participating in party politics, participation in political movements, conferences, discussions, strikes and demonstrations, communications with the representatives and other political leaders, involvement in political communication etc. all form part of political participation. Obviously, there are some cogent reasons for this poor turnout. Politics in India has, in recent years, often become a dirty game and this is one of the reasons why many take no interest. Moreover, people often feel that sometimes crime and politics go hand-in-hand and the mafia-dons have polluted the atmosphere by their unholy alliance with the ruling party leaders. But if a large number of people stay away from the polling booths due to so many factors, democracy surely becomes a misnomer. Modern democracy has become an indirect system due to the enlargement of territory and population. So, people"s rule through elections has come to the fore. Naturally, it requires the active and full-fledged involvement of the people in electoral affairs.

This paper deals with the development and obstacles of Korean women-s political participation in recent years. Since the year 1948 after the declaration of a modern state, Korea has tried to establish the democracy but still in the field of women-s political participation it meets a lot of problems such as women-s political consciousness, male dominated political culture and institutional constraints. After the introduction of quota system in the list of political party, women-s political participation began to change its configuration. More women candidates have willingly presented at elections.

Political elites spend considerable resources on recruitment activities. Existing research generally concludes that these activities are effective, but also suggests that political elites recruit strategically. But strategic recruitment may undermine the impact of recruitment on participation if political elites use past participation as an indicator of the ability & willingness of individuals to respond to recruitment efforts since recruitment may then be directed toward individuals who would have participated without recruitment. Furthermore, the existing research fails to capture many recruitment efforts. It also has employed recruitment variables measuring requests for a political act different from the act used as the dependent variable. As a result, the actual effect of recruitment on participation is still in doubt. Using more appropriate data, we demonstrate that recruitment of all types is shaped by past participation. However, while controlling for past participation does reduce the impact of recruitment on political participation -- being asked to take part or give money -- does expand political participation. 2 Tables, 13 References. Adapted from the source document.