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When women gained the national right to vote 100 years ago, remarkable possibilities for their voice and presence in politics opened. However, despite gains in women's representation, numerous gaps continue to exist in which adult women engage less in politics than men. In identifying and explaining adult gender gaps, little attention has been given to whether gaps emerge among children. This is a pressing issue because children's perceptions are likely to influence their participation as adults. This article explores whether and how girls and boys differently view politics and their role in it. We report survey data from more than 1,600 children ages 6 to 12 to explore basic gender gaps in political interest and ambition. We argue that these results may reveal the roots of a larger problem: 100 years after women gained suffrage, girls still express less interest and enthusiasm than boys for political life and political office.

Existing research does not offer conclusive evidence on which electoral management body (EMB) model is best for having confidence in electoral processes. While some scholars favour partisan autonomy in election administration, others argue for a multiparty-based election management. Others provide mixed evidence. This article focuses on the importance of including political parties in EMBs, measured by a scale with four levels of participation of parties in the appointment of EMB members. Results show that although it may be advantageous to include political parties in the appointment process of the EMB members, not all forms of inclusion yield the same level of benefits in terms of confidence in elections. This is demonstrated through logistic and multilevel regression of results from the Parliamentary Elites of Latin America survey.

Este trabajo presenta los resultados de una investigación en la que se destaca el gran número y variedad de conflictos relacionados con las transformaciones territoriales que hoy existen en el Véneto. El elevado número de conflictos y comités activos indica un interés constante por las cuestiones medioambientales y además pone de relieve el importante rol que han jugado las dinámicas de desarrollo y uso del territorio -surgidas en esta región en las últimas décadas- en el fenómeno que ahora se va manifestando. Esta conflictividad se debe interpretar no sólo como la demanda de los ciudadanos para participar y estar más implicados en los procesos de transformación territorial -que repercuten directamente en ellos y en la calidad de vida-, sino también como su declarada falta de confianza en una clase política a menudo incapaz de manejar los conflictos y por tanto «débil» para planificar y hacerse cargo de situaciones conflictivas. ; Aquest treball presenta els resultats d'una investigació en què s'ha destacat el gran nombre i varietat de conflictes relacionats amb les transformacions territorials que existeixen avui dia a la regió del Véneto. La quantitat de conflictes i d'associacions actives demostra l'interès constant per les qüestions mediambientals i també posa en relleu el paper central que han jugat les dinàmiques de desenvolupament i ús del territori -presents a la regió en les últimes dècades- en el fenomen que ara s'està manifestant. Els conflictes s'han d'interpretar no tan sols com a resultat de la demanda dels ciutadans per participar i influir més en els processos de transformació territorial -que hi repercuteixen directament i en la qualitat de vida-, sinó també com a resultat de la seva declarada falta de confiança en una classe política sovint incapaç de gestionar els conflictes i per tant «feble» per planificar i fer-se càrrec de situacions conflictives. ; L'article évalue les résultats de la recherche à travers laquelle ont été mis en évidence le nombre et les formes de conflits territoriaux actuels dans la région de la Vénétie. Le nombre de conflits et d'associations actives montre un intérêt constant concernant les questions environnementales, et met en évidence la manière dont la dynamique de l'aménagement du territoire et de l'utilisation des terres - produites dans la région de la Vénétie lors des dernières décennies - ont joué un rôle important dans le phénomène qui se manifeste aujourd'hui. Le conflit doit être lu comme une demande de participation, d'implication dans les processus territoriaux qui ont un impact direct sur les citoyens et la qualité de vie. Il est également une déclaration de manque de confiance envers une classe politique qui a perdu progressivement sa capacité à gérer les conflits. ; This paper shows the results of a research project on territorial conflicts in the Veneto region. The research describes the various types of conflict connected with territorial transformations. The number of conflicts and active committees suggests a lifelong interest in environmental issues as well as highlighting the significant role that land development and land use dynamics - which have occurred in the Veneto region in recent decades - are playing in this new phenomenon. Conflicts should be interpreted not only as a public demand for more participation and involvement in territorial processes that have a direct impact on them and their standard of living, but also as a self-professed lack of confidence in a political class that has gradually reduced the capacity for political representation.

"Since the early 1990s, there has been a clear evolution in the military dimension of Japanese diplomacy. From Gulf War I in 1991 to the present day, an incremental but unmistakable acceptance of, and resort to, military dispatches has taken place, and yet crucially, Japan has not morphed into a traditional military power. Exploring Japan's involvement in both Afghanistan and Iraq, this book examines the evolution and nature of the new civil-military dimension in Japanese foreign policy. It shows how foreign aid, Japan's traditional non-military diplomatic tool, was merged with the operations of the Japanese Self-Defense Force in Iraq and the activities of NATO-ISAF forces in Afghanistan, and emphasises the centrality of civilian power to Japanese foreign policy and diplomacy. However, Dennis Yasutomo argues that while a new civil-military security culture is replacing the old merchant state culture of pacifism and anti-militarism, Japan does not yet qualify as a military "normal nation". Further, the book's exploration of the increased utilization of military power within the context of civilian objectives and non-military diplomatic instruments, sheds light on the current build-up of Japanese military power in East and Southeast Asia amid territorial disputes and nuclear threats, and highlights the impact that Japan's new civil-military diplomacy may have on wider international affairs in the 21st Century. Drawing on interviews with key actors in Tokyo, as well as with practitioners who have served on the ground in Iraq and Afghanistan, this book will have broad appeal to students and scholars working on Japanese politics and diplomacy, military and security studies and international relations."--

Book reviewed in this article:Jean Blondel & Ferdinand Muller‐Rommel (eds.): Cabinets in Western Europe.Mike Bowker & Phil Williams: Superpower Detente: A Reappraisal.Steven B. Wolinetz: Parties and Party Systems in Liberal Democracies.Christopher Hood & Gunnar Folke Schuppert (eds.): Delivering Public Services in Western Europe: Sharing Western European Experience of Para‐Government Organization, (SAGE Modern Politics Series Volume 16. Sponsored by the European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR).Benny Morris: The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947–1949.'The Initial Absorption of the Palestinian Refugees in the Arab Host Countries, 1984‐1949' in A. C. Bramwell (ed.): Refugees in the Age of Total War.Asher Arian: Politics in Israel. The Second Generation.Gadi Wolfsfeld: The Politics of Provocation. Participation and Protest in Israel.

Six months have passed since the Thai military has ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and
taken over power. The situation in the country has not eased since then. The military-installed
government has proven to be unable to restore peace in the south and to bring the economy back
on track. It faced severe problems in providing evidence on Thaksin's alleged corruption. Rumours
about the rulers' intention to reduce the scope of public participation perpetuated the public's
growing feeling of mistrust. With a down-spiralling economy and a security situation worse than
before the coup uncertainty took hold of the Thai citizens and pressed on the government to
deliver its ambitious promises timely.

The article examines the prerequisites for Britain's participation in European integration processes since the 1950's. The evolution of the "special" policy of the British governments regarding the country's participation in the system of political and military-political cooperation of the European Union, the nature of its influence on the processes of European integration in the sphere of foreign policy and security are considered. The peculiarities of the UK's participation in European political integration are analyzed in terms of balancing the two main strands of its foreign policy – the traditional Atlantic course, which underlies the Anglo-American "special relations" and the European course (deepening participation in European regional policy). The most common concepts of differentiated European integration are outlined, such as Europe à la carte (sectoral, selective integration) or the concepts of European Menu, Europe of Different Speeds and Variable Geometries, which have been successfully used by UK governments to counteract federalization and deepen integration of the United Kingdom, avoiding full integration, for example, in currency issues or applying restrictions on the free movement of labor (limited Schengen agreement). In general, the complex of conditions and peculiarities of historical, socio-political, economic and socio-psychological nature have been investigated, which have had their specific influence on the formation of the unique political attitude and behavior of Great Britain and became the basis of the "special" position of Great Britain in European integration processes, and as a consequence transformations of the present geopolitical position of Great Britain.
Keywords: Great Britain, European integration, EEC, European Union, concept, "special" position.

Defence date: 13 January 2022 ; Examining Board: Professor Laura L. Downs, (European University Institute); Professor Pieter M. Judson, European University Institute); Professor Irina Livezeanu, (University of Pittsburgh); Professor Kevin Passmore, (University of Cardiff) ; This thesis examines women's participation in the Legionary Movement or Iron Guard, a far-right, anti-Semitic movement active in interwar Romania. Over four chapters, I analyze how the participation of women changed over time, the different forms this participation took, and how these different forms shaped and redefined political relations within the movement. The first chapter focuses on women's participation in the student activism that characterized Romanian universities throughout the interwar period. University politics played a major role in the origins, development, and self-image of the Legionary Movement. The chapter follows the evolution of the movement's use of university politics through the lens of increasing female participation. The second chapter is entirely devoted to the exploration of family relations in the Legionary Movement's ideology and experience. In the third chapter, I analyze the open support or sympathy for the Legionary Movement held among the intellectual elites of Bucharest, the aristocracy, and, finally, among some feminist circles. Gender and class dynamics are inseparable in the analysis of the political beliefs and activity of the women protagonists of this chapter, whose support of or sympathy for the Legion complicates the notion of membership and opens different perspectives on the intersection of gender and class within the movement. Finally, the fourth chapter explores the adoption and adaptation by some legionary women and, especially, by the more formal feminine section, of violence as a form of political action. What emerges from this study is the experimental nature of women's participation, the constant redefinition of its forms and limits. Moving in an ideological framework designed for them by men, women found their space(s) of agency at the interplay of discourse and practice, through the opportunities for political action offered by the complexity of lived experience.

This thesis questions the interpretation of a political watchword aiming at reducing « early school leaving ». This research addresses the formulation and dessimination of this problem through the analysis of French and German political programmatic at different levels of the educational governance and which give school actors a crucial responsibility in fighting it. So the second aspect of this research is to highlight the perceptions that these actors have of this responsibility through questioning their understanding of the problem, embedded in the narrative of the "knowledge society", economically "more competitive" and socially "more cohesive". At the edge of the year 2020 (the horizon of the Europe 2020 Strategy that continues on the former « Lisbon strategy ») this thesis discusses the influence of the European Union on shaping domestic educational agendas, from the national level to even the principals'. But more specifically, it allows to highlight the structural, institutional and individual filters through which this issue is interpreted, which lead to different interpretations of the reality and usages. How far do the school actors perceive their responsibility in fighting against "early school leaving"? How do they identify their capacity to make the difference while facing some of their students' problems and difficulties that might influence their school trajectory negatively? Finally, how, on the whole, the school actors taken in all their diversity, tend to blame the school, the individual student and their environment or political choices for their early dropout or "negative participation", which sometimes leads schools to exclude the troublemakers? What legitimacy does this fight have in their eyes, in the light of the historical and selective nature of the French and German educational systems, and considering recent discourses that are alarmed regarding the expansion of tertiary education? Fighting against "early school leaving" and worrying about the "invasion" of the university, this sounds at first sight strange and contradictory! This thesis tries to grasp the whys and wherefores of this political fight in the name of better "equal opportunities" in and by school by analysing the perceptions of the actors in charge of realising them. ; Cette thèse porte sur l'étude de l'appréhension d'un mot d'ordre politique, à savoir la lutte contre les « sorties scolaires précoces » (« early school leaving »). Ce travail de recherche s'intéresse à la formulation et diffusion du problème à travers l'analyse de documents politiques français et allemands matérialisant sa mise à l'agenda à différents niveaux de l'action éducative. En cela, il cherche particulièrement à discuter le point selon lequel les acteurs de l'école auraient un rôle déterminant à jouer. Dans cette perspective, la recherche consiste également en une enquête concernant les perceptions qu'ont ces acteurs de ce problème construit dans les termes du projet européen d'une « Europe de la connaissance » compétitive, performante économiquement et socialement « plus » cohésive. Dans quelle mesure les acteurs de l'école perçoivent-ils leur responsabilité quant à la lutte contre les « sorties précoces » ? Ou encore leur capacité concrète pour peser face aux problèmes et difficultés diverses et variées qui peuvent influer négativement une trajectoire éducative ? Dans quelle mesure enfin les acteurs de l'école, pris dans leur diversité, tendent-ils à voir majoritairement dans l'école, chez l'individu et son environnement ou encore dans les choix politiques, la cause des « participations négatives » qui les conduit parfois exclure de leurs murs les éléments les plus perturbateurs ? Quelle légitimité accordent-ils à ce nouveau combat, à la lumière de la nature historiquement sélective des systèmes éducatifs allemands (Bade Wurtemberg) et français, et des récents discours qui s'alarment aujourd'hui de la « massification » de l'enseignement supérieur. Lutter contre les « sorties précoces » et s'inquiéter de « l'envahissement » de l'Université, voilà qui est étrange ! Cette thèse tente de saisir les tenants et les aboutissants de ce combat au nom d'une meilleure « égalité des chances » à et par l'école, et de la perception qu'en ont ceux en charge de la réaliser. A l'aune de cette année 2020 (l'horizon repris par la « Stratégie Europe 2020 » dans la continuation de la Stratégie de Lisbonne), cette thèse permet également de discuter l'influence de l'Union européenne sur les agendas nationaux, régionaux et locaux traitant d'éducation –jusqu'à ceux, parfois, des principaux. Plus spécifiquement, elle propose une lecture interactive de la traduction de ce mot d'ordre mettant en lumière les filtres de nature structurelle, institutionnelle et individuelle mobilisés dans les discours et les usages.

Dieser Artikel liefert Belege dafür, wie eine politische Partei digitale Kommunikationstechnologie nutzt, um ein neues Parteiprogramm gemeinsam mit den Bürgern zu entwickeln. Anhand einer Case Study Analyse wird gezeigt, wie politische Parteien vom digitalen Wandel profitieren und Online Plattformen gezielt für eine bessere Kommunikation mit Bürgern einsetzen können. Eine quantitative Befragung unter jenen, die mit der Partei digital zusammenarbeiten, zeigt, dass sich eine homogene Gruppe von Bürgern an der Initiative beteiligt. Die Teilnehmer wollen die zukünftige Entwicklung des Landes mitbestimmen und weisen ein hohes Maß an politischem Interesse auf. Die Analyse der Umfragedaten weist darauf hin, dass die Plattform-User die Initiative positiv in Hinblick auf Informationsverbreitung und Diskussion unter den Parteimitgliedern bewerten. Basierend auf der qualitativen und quantitativen Analyse des Projektes werden schließlich praxisnahe Implikationen abgeleitet. Die Handlungsempfehlungen sollen Entscheidungsträger in Parteien dabei unterstützen, einen Mehrwert aus einer digitalen Zusammenarbeit mit Bürgern zu generieren. ; Digital platforms are leveraged to exchange with the external environment, benefit from knowledge of online communities, and lastly to co-create value. Similar to companies that invite customers to share their ideas for product development online, open innovation platforms are used by political parties to exchange with their party members. This article provides empirical evidence on how a political party uses communication technology to co-create a new party program with citizens. A case study analysis shows how political parties can benefit from digital transformation and use online platforms for stimulating communication with citizens. A quantitative survey among platform users indicates that a homogeneous group of citizens participated in the inititative who is politically interested and wants to participate in the future development of the country. Based on the qualititative and quantitative analysis of the initiative, practical implications were derived. These recommendations should help decision-makers to generate added value from collaboration with citizens. ; Refereed/Peer-reviewed ; (VLID)5119926 ; Version of record

A small Kurdish city located in northern Syria, Kobane, became symbolically significant when ISIS laid siege to the city between September 2014 and January 2015. This pivotal moment in the fight against ISIS threw the international spotlight on the Kurds. The Kobane Generation analyses how Kurdish diaspora communities mobilised in France after the breakout of the Syrian civil war and political unrest in Turkey and Iraq in the 2010s. Tens of thousands of people, mostly but not exclusively diaspora Kurds, demonstrated in major European capitals, expressed their solidarity with Kobane, and engaged in transnational political activism towards Kurdistan. In this book, Mari Toivanen discusses a series of critical events that led to different forms of transnational participation towards Kurdistan. The focus of this book is particularly on how diaspora mobilisations became visible among the second generation, the descendants of Kurdish migrants. The book addresses important questions, such as why second-generation members felt the need to mobilise and what kind of transnational participation this led to. How did the transnational participation and political activism of the second generation differ from that of their parents, and is such activism simply diasporic or also related to more global changes in political activism? The Kobane Generation offers important insights on the generational dynamics of political mobilisations and their significance to understanding diaspora contributions. More broadly, it sheds light on second-generation political activism beyond the diaspora context, analysing it in relation to global transformations in political subjectivities

Using data from 113 in-depth interviews with beneficiaries of social welfare programs, I examine the ease of access to the Special Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC); the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP); and Medicaid during the COVID-19 pandemic. Policy changes that were enacted in response to COVID-19 were explicitly designed to reduce the administrative burden of program participation. I find that while WIC and Medicaid participants reported easier access to benefits, SNAP saw high demand and bureaucratic constraints that undermined access. SNAP participants encountered difficulties that they attributed to burdensome experiences to administrative exclusion. I show how applicants perceived organizational practices as excluding eligible populations from participation in government programs and undermining policies that were designed to reduce administrative burdens.

Labor force participation among mothers in the U.S. has increased dramatically over the past several decades, driven in part by social policies that provide benefits that are contingent upon paid work. Little is known, however, about how these work-contingent social policies affect childcare arrangements. We study the effect of the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC)—one of the largest work-contingent cash transfer programs in the U.S.—on childcare arrangements, using data from the Survey of Income and Program Participation. Our findings suggest that, for children under three, the EITC increased the use of childcare, the number of hours children spent in care, the likelihood of parents paying for care, and the use of multiple care arrangements. It seems to have little effect on childcare arrangements for older children.

Cross-national analysis of aggregate data has found a relationship between the military participation ratio and national economic growth rates and distributional inequality. This article examines one aspect of this macro-micro linkage by investigating the relationship between acculturation in the military and the attitudes and behavior of the most strategic sector of the Peruvian labor force. Military service retards the development of social consciousness among the working class, reduces their protest participation, and eases their integration into the hierarchy and discipline of the industrial work place. These findings suggest that military socialization may indeed affect growth rate by reducing worker-management and worker-state conflict. On the other hand, it would seem equally likely that the conservative effect of military acculturation contributes to increased inequality of income.