Suchergebnisse

Based on an analysis of the television style, this study explores the presence of power and oppression relationships in scenes taken from the soap operas Renascer (1993) and O Rei do Gado (1996). The objective is to discover how these relationships can offer the audience a visual experience of the land and its cultural matrix. We conclude that there are different approaches in both soap operas: while in Renascer the deal with the Devil reveals a blend of the origins of "mandonismo" and marvelous realism, in O Rei do Gado negotiations between farmers and landless reveal land policies, the personification of power, and the unfinished nature of agrarian reform. ; Baseado na análise do estilo televisivo, este artigo explora a figuração das relações de poder e de subjugação em cenas extraídas das telenovelas Renascer (1993) e O Rei do Gado (1996). A meta é investigar como tais materialidades oferecem ao público uma experiência visual da terra e a matriz cultural que a subjaz. Concluímos que há um deslocamento na abordagem: enquanto em Renascer o pacto com diabo revela a imbricação das matrizes do mandonismo e do realismo maravilhoso, em O Rei do Gado a negociação entre fazendeiro e sem-terra revela a política fundiária, a personificação do poder e a incompletude da reforma agrária.

No início dos anos 2010, uma onda de manifestações sociais irrompeu em diferentes países. Por meio do uso de performances alinhadas com os gêneros virais das mídias sociais, essas manifestações consolidaram a estética Carnavalesca que caracteriza as narrativas políticas produzidas e distribuídas em rede por ativistas. Assim, este artigo reflete sobre o fenômeno das mobilizações globais a partir de seis vídeos que apresentam performances ativistas inspiradas no universo de Guerras nas Estrelas. Produzidos em mobilizações distintas entre os anos de 2010 e 2014, os vídeos foram coletados manualmente na plataforma YouTube e contextualizados sob a perspectiva dos Estudos de Mídia.

Through an analysis of the transformations and persistencies in the image­-power­-knowledge relationship that result from the spread of digital communication's technologies, our goal is to characterize the emergence of a conflict that, in the politics of visuality and the cyberspace's techno­political configuration, reflects similar tensions that constitute the actual power relations diagram. The research begins with an investigation of the historical background that influenced Thomas Hobbes Leviathan's images production, where a given visual order corresponds to a new power order. Then, we analyze the changes of this specific configuration – that is perceptible as the Leviathan image regime's metaphor - in face of the analog and digital image production technologies. Our hypothesis is that the disputes (aesthetic, legal, economic) that attempt to regulate the image within the digital media domain and that shape a particular politics of visibility, are similar to those tensions that affect the cyberspace conditions to become a different 'sensible' surface (medium), that potentially mobilizes other forms of knowing, other models of organization and production. To examine this issue, we analyze the ongoing conflict between different social forces that point out both for new practices and meanings that emerge in the cybercultural arena, and for the trends that attempts to impose over the digital medium the regulatory mechanisms established in the context of analog medium. At the end we characterize the current power diagram, and we argue that cyberspace aesthetic and political configuration depend upon a capacity to intervene over the very fundamentals that regulate its field of enunciation and visibility. Finally, we take it as a struggle for others modes of thought and social organization models, as a war over the virtual and imaginary production, therefore a war that is oriented to the future.

The discourse is an essential atribute os man, fundamental for the coexistence of individuals and for the construction of a collective space. Hannah Arendt points out the importance of language for the edification of the word as a language for the edification of the word as a collective construction. The article investigates the political dimensions of language. For us, this theme offers a key to Reading Arendt's political theory, we highlight the relation between action and discours. In the same way, we underline the possibility of the antipolitical use of language, highlighting the ideology and the lie. Finally, we discursed the importance oh the mother tongue to share the word. Whice reinforces the perception that the common space is only possible as an object of action, discourse and dialogue.

A VENEZUELA da época democrática, que se inicia em 1958, tem na emergência política de Hugo Chávez seu marco divisor do cenário político: pode-se, desta forma, apontar uma Venezuela democrática pré e pós-Chávez. Este ensaio analisa, pois, os fatores da mudança político-institucional venezuelana em quatro momentos: durante o auge e a queda do Pacto de Punto Fijo; o início do fenômeno chavista e suas características; a polarização social e política na Venezuela de Chávez; e, por fim, a Venezuela pós-referendo presidencial. ; THE DEMOCRATIC era in Venezuela dates from 1958. With the Hugo Chávez Administration, the nation is experiencing a true breach in its national political scene. Therefore it now becomes possible to identify a democratic Venezuela pre- and post-Chavez. This article tries to analyze the variables for political and institutional change in Venezuela in four specific moments: first, during the rise and fall of the Punto Fijo Pact; second, the building-up of the chavista phenomenon; third, the social and political polarization in Venezuela during Chavez Administration; and finally, Venezuela after the presidential referendum.

The present work means to analyze the relation between politics and life throughout Michael Foucault's and Agamben's critical-conceptual articulations. That way, we try to explain the following question: to what extent and under which arguments is it possible to reflect upon the politics over the biological human life taking as reference Foucault's and Agamben's thesis and even finding a connection between both? We hypothesize that: (1) it is possible to acknowledge the discovery of politics over life back at the Greco-Roman world, linking the bio politics to the Western political structure; (2) while having its spectrum projected in the Age of Antiquity, bio-politics blossomed within the Modern history, since the appearance of medico-social categories and the realizations around the human life potentiality. To inspect the underlying theme of the question, our text is organized in three different moments: first, we go through Foucault's perception of bio-politics and its connections to the human life; next, we observe how Agamben proposes his thesis and which arguments he makes use of to sustain his statements; and lastly, we present a liaison between both thesis, putting forward how they connected themselves within a research hypothesis.

This article analyses a series of legal and illegal state policies and ruling-party strategies, of a repressive nature or involving political perse-cution, which were implemented by Peronist governments between 1973 and 1976, in the period prior to the military dictatorship that imposed State terrorism in Argentina. The observation of these practices is combined with the study of the discourses of diverse members of the political system from the period.The study reveals the gradual establishment of a discourse about "national security", that is to say, based on the idea of a subversive enemy of a domestic nature and alien to the "national spirit". The Argentinian case study shows that this type of discourse, which is generally associated with the military regimes of the Southern Cone, also existed and was put into practice in constitutional regimes. ; In the 60s and 70s in Brazil, the Armed Forces were involved in the political repression under the inspiration of the National Security doctrine and the French military thought about Revolutionary War. According to these theories, this new kind of war, which combined military operations and political propaganda, required a strong intervention of the armed forces and the police, as well as the full knowledge of the techniques and tactics of the enemy, which was done by means of a strict information control. Much of this information was obtained through interrogation under torture of political prisoners. This article is about the themes of these interrogations, and the likely use of the collected information. Broadly, they were used in three fronts: Finding the enemy, knowing the structure and procedures of their organizations, and evaluating the militants' degree of involvement in political activities.

The concepts of diplomacy and foreign policy are directly connected. Continuing events on the world stage and the interaction of political figures (heads of state and diplomatic workers) lead to the formation of a common international situation. The current general international situation has a significant effect on the foreign policy of countries. Diplomacy is a key tool for the successful conduct of the foreign policy of each active participating state. Foreign policy significantly affects the independent system of law governing interstate relations, while diplomacy helps to formulate general international rules for this system. In this respect, the relationship of the concepts under consideration is clearly expressed. In the course of the study there are lexical units of the semantic field "diplomacy" and "foreign policy" were selected from Russian and English dictionaries with political and diplomatic designations; there was studied and verified the material in the form of diplomatic documents, protocols and international agreements. ; Los conceptos de diplomacia y política exterior están directamente conectados. Los sucesos continuos en el escenario mundial y la interacción de figuras políticas (jefes de estado y trabajadores diplomáticos) conducen a la formación de una situación internacional común. La actual situación internacional general tiene un efecto significativo en la política exterior de los países. La diplomacia es una herramienta clave para la conducción exitosa de la política exterior de cada estado participante activo. La política exterior afecta significativamente el sistema legal independiente que rige las relaciones interestatales, mientras que la diplomacia ayuda a formular reglas internacionales generales para este sistema. En este sentido, se expresa claramente la relación de los conceptos considerados. En el curso del estudio se seleccionaron unidades léxicas del campo semántico "diplomacia" y "política exterior" de diccionarios de ruso e inglés con designaciones políticas y diplomáticas; se estudió y verificó el material en forma de documentos diplomáticos, protocolos y acuerdos internacionales. ; Os conceitos de diplomacia e política externa estão diretamente relacionados. Os acontecimentos contínuos no cenário mundial e a interação de figuras políticas (chefes de Estado e trabalhadores diplomáticos) levam à formação de uma situação internacional comum. A atual situação internacional geral tem um efeito significativo na política externa dos países. A diplomacia é uma ferramenta fundamental para a condução bem-sucedida da política externa de cada Estado participante ativo. A política externa afeta significativamente o sistema independente de leis que regem as relações interestatais, enquanto a diplomacia ajuda a formular regras internacionais gerais para esse sistema. A este respeito, a relação dos conceitos em consideração é claramente expressa. No decorrer do estudo, unidades lexicais do campo semântico "diplomacia" e "política externa" foram selecionadas de dicionários russo e inglês com denominações políticas e diplomáticas; foi estudado e verificado o material na forma de documentos diplomáticos, protocolos e acordos internacionais.

By investigating the possibilities of recovering the playful dimension of teachers working with young children, a main requirement for teaching, this article presents and discusses teachers' testimonies on their concepts and actions regarding plays/game, as well as observations of school days in one of the kindergarten/preschools of Universidade de São Paulo (USP). To do so, we did a qualitative case study with a group of 5-year-old children and their teacher, in addition to collective moments with the other children and teachers. We also conducted semi structured interviews with the observed teacher and the only male teacher in the staff. Moreover, we collected and analyzed documents, such as the Political Pedagogical Project of the institution. Data analysis was done articulating the Brazilian and foreign production of recent researchers on the field of childhood education pedagogy and social sciences (sociology and anthropology), and on the interface with arts, mainly corporal ones, in early childhood. When trying to understand how an education of sensitive listening and children protagonist, focused on the creation of playful spaces, times, and relations took place, we could see ways of fighting and territories of dispute for the right of kindergarten/preschool and, therefore, a reference and a resistance in favor of Brazilian Early Childhood Education. ; Ao investigar as possibilidades de retomada da dimensão brincalhona de professoras e professores que atuam com crianças pequenas, principal pré-requisito da profissão docente, este artigo apresenta e discute relatos de professoras/es acerca de suas concepções e ações em relação à brincadeira, assim como as observações de suas jornadas educativas em uma das creches/pré-escolas da Universidade de São Paulo (USP). Para tanto, foi realizado um estudo de caso, de caráter qualitativo, com um grupo de meninas e meninos pequenas/os (5 anos de idade) e de sua professora, bem como momentos coletivos com as demais crianças, professoras e professor da instituição. Também foram realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com a professora da turma observada e com o único professor da equipe, além da coleta e análise de documentos, como o Projeto Político Pedagógico da referida creche/pré-escola. As análises dos dados foram realizadas em articulação com a produção brasileira e estrangeira de pesquisas recentes no campo da pedagogia da educação infantil e das ciências sociais (como a sociologia e a antropologia), bem como na interface com as artes na primeira infância, sobretudo com as corpóreas. Ao buscar compreender como ocorria uma educação de escuta sensível e de protagonismo infantil, centrada na criação de espaços, tempos e relações brincantes, verificaram-se caminhos de lutas e territórios de disputas pelo direito à creche e, por isso, de referência e de resistência pela Educação Infantil brasileira.

The public space is the stage for the most varied conflicts, resulting, in certain cases, in violence. However, it is in this space that men experience freedom, expressing themselves in front of plurality of opinions. As it is a space for free expression, our actions and opinions are not always received without contradiction, arousing resentful feelings. Following Arendt's thinking, the public space is the arena in which everyone should manifest themselves spontaneously, showing themselves from their uniqueness before the plurality that characterizes the community. As it is a space for the expression of the individual, guided by freedom and plurality, the individual's action is irreversible and unpredictable, enabling a cycle of misunderstandings and violence. Consequently, there is no way to prevent conflicting emotions from being fed by the damage originated from political action. According to Arendt, resentments are emotional states peculiar to human beings, facilitating common understanding and coexistence. Thus, resentment can lead to acts against injustice, with punishment and forgiveness, enabling a new beginning. However, there are acts that are not in keeping with forgiveness, such as the crimes perpetrated by Nazism, whose relationship established among men was not human. In the face of the absurdity of the situation, on which there is no way to judge, forgiveness has no place, closing the doors to a new beginning. Anyway, this text intends to explore the role of resentment as a factor that enables the survival of public space, but that can also lead to its destruction.

Examines provisions of the Treaty of Amsterdam, opened for signature in 1997, in relation to foreign policy and common security; European Union.

Brazil grew 2.4 percent per year on average in the last 25 years-somewhat less than Latin America, a good deal less than the world, far less than the emerging countries of Asia in the same period, and indeed far less than Brazil itself in previous decades. If anything stands out favorably in recent Brazilian experience, it is not growth but stabilization and the successful opening of the economy. The purpose of this paper is more modest. It is limited to setting out the authors' particular view of recent efforts to consolidate democracy in Brazil while controlling inflation and resuming economic growth. At the same time the paper presents, as objectively as possible, some thoughts on the limits but also the relevance of action by political leaders to set a course and circumvent obstacles to that process. Here and there, the paper refers to the experiences of other Latin American countries, especially Argentina, Chile, and Mexico, not to offer a full fledged comparative analysis but merely to note contrasts and similarities that may shed light on the peculiarities of the Brazilian case and suggest themes for a more wide-ranging exchange of views.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo refletir sobre as recentes políticas públicas e educacionais brasileiras e a tentativa de naturalização da ideologia dos grupos dominantes, em detrimento à legitimação da pluralidade epistemológica de grupos marginalizados e/ou contrários a tal pensamento uniformizador. A partir das teorias de decolonialidade (CASTRO-GÓMEZ; GROSFOGUEL, 2007; LANDER, 2005; MIGNOLO, 2009; MORENO, 2005; SOUSA SANTOS, 2010), discuto as relações de submissão, subordinação e exclusão promovidas pelas políticas educacionais recentes. Em seguida, busco problematizar o papel da educação para o desenvolvimento da criticidade e da construção do conhecimento corporificado, isto é, construído a partir de corpos atravessados por diferentes identidades culturais, sociais, linguísticas, de raça e de gênero, e concluo ressaltando a importância do ensino da língua inglesa como uma tarefa política que desenvolva o questionamento, o pensamento crítico e o respeito à diversidade epistemológica. ; This article looks at the recent Brazilian public educational policies and the attempt to naturalize the ideology of dominant groups that are opposed to the legitimization of the epistemological diversity of marginalized groups and/or opponents of their beliefs. Based on the Freirean approach and decolonial theories (CASTRO-GÓMEZ; GROSFOGUEL, 2007; LANDER, 2005; MIGNOLO, 2009; MORENO, 2005; SOUSA SANTOS, 2010), I discuss the relationships of submission, subordination, and exclusion promoted by the recent educational policies in Brazil. Furthermore, I seek to problematize the role of education to develop critique and the construction of embodied knowledge, i.e. knowledge built by bodies that have different political, cultural, social, linguistic, racial and gender identities. I conclude by emphasizing the importance of rethinking the role of English in our contemporary society as well as the ethos of teacher education and the teaching of English itself as a political task which promotes inquiry, critical thinking, and respect to the epistemological diversity.

The present essay examines the social situation of transvestites, and their identity as an excluded group. The examination takes into account gender, patriarchy, social exclusion, identity, difference and diversity, and uses transvestites' own reports of their social reality. Finally, on the basis of the experiences of the feminist movement, the article offers some considerations on the formation of transvestites' political conscience.