Suchergebnisse

The existing literature on Indonesia's foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country's external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia's international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta's diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region

Hungary has become a party to the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol on Refugees which requires it to adhere to the principle of non-refoulment towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East who came to the country in 2015. However, in reality Hungary has implemented a policy of detaining and returning refugees even by repressive means. This policy also clearly contradicts the principle of protection against refugees and the policies of the European Union (EU) in which Hungary is a member. The policies taken by Hungary cannot be separated from domestic factors that influence the choice of the Hungarian government to take policies that are contrary to the binding Convention and EU policy. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer what domestic factors influenced Hungary's policies towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East in the 2015-2019 period. This paper uses qualitative methods with data sources obtained from literature studies on various aspects of Hungarian domestic politics. The argument in this study is that Hungarian policy towards refugees and migrants is influenced by domestic factors related to elite interests as a strategy to win political battles in the country related to Viktor Orban's ideas of national identity as the Prime Minister of Hungary as well as leader of the ruling party Fidesz, the dynamics of Hungarian domestic politics. and the strengthening of right-wing populism advocated by Fidesz's party. ; Hungary has become a party to the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol on Refugees which requires it to adhere to the principle of non-refoulment towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East who came to the country in 2015. However, in reality Hungary has implemented a policy of detaining and returning refugees even by repressive means. This policy also clearly contradicts the principle of protection against refugees and the policies of the European Union (EU) in which Hungary is a member. The policies taken by Hungary cannot be separated from domestic factors that influence the choice of the Hungarian government to take policies that are contrary to the binding Convention and EU policy. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer what domestic factors influenced Hungary's policies towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East in the 2015-2019 period. This paper uses qualitative methods with data sources obtained from literature studies on various aspects of Hungarian domestic politics. The argument in this study is that Hungarian policy towards refugees and migrants is influenced by domestic factors related to elite interests as a strategy to win political battles in the country related to Viktor Orban's ideas of national identity as the Prime Minister of Hungary as well as leader of the ruling party Fidesz, the dynamics of Hungarian domestic politics. and the strengthening of right-wing populism advocated by Fidesz's party.

This study aims to determine and explore how Islam and Malay as an intertwined entity influence the formation of political institutions in the Sultanate of Palembang, especially influencing the appointment and succession of the Sultan. This study is the result of qualitative research based on a literature review using interpretive analysis techniques. In the practice of Islam in Indonesia, cultural values of non-Islamic religions are maintained and practiced by Islamic entities such as practices in the replacement of the King and Sultan. A theoretical approach to society by looking at the evolution of kings approached to explain the history of state administration and the transition of power, combined with Elite; Political Culture, and Cultural Politics. The results of this study found that the system of appointment and change of power in the Sultanate of Palembang, namely the existence of its characteristics associated with a blend of Malay and Javanese culture. Differences in political culture greatly influence the process of succession that occurs. Malay culture which emphasizes more on its economy in the maritime field and Arabic symbols will be different from Javanese culture which is more agrarian and syncretic. ; Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan mengeksplorasi bagaimana Islam dan Melayu sebagai entitas yang saling terkait mempengaruhi pembentukan lembaga-lembaga politik di Kesultanan Palembang, terutama yang mempengaruhi pengangkatan dan suksesi Sultan. Penelitian ini adalah hasil penelitian kualitatif berdasarkan tinjauan literatur menggunakan teknik analisis interpretatif. Dalam praktik Islam di Indonesia, nilai-nilai budaya agama-agama non-Islam dipertahankan dan dipraktikkan oleh entitas Islam seperti praktik-praktik pergantian Raja dan Sultan. Melalui pendekatan teoretis tentang masyarakat sosial dengan melihat evolusi raja-raja yang dijadikan pendekatan untuk menjelaskan sejarah ketatanegaraan dan peralihan kekuasaan, dipadukan dengan Elite; Political Culture, dan Cultural Politics. Hasil penelitian ini menemukan bahwa sistem pengangkatan dan pergantian kekuasaan di Kesultanan Palembang, yaitu adanya karakteristik yang terkait dengan perpaduan budaya Melayu dan Jawa. Perbedaan budaya politik sangat mempengaruhi proses suksesi yang terjadi. Budaya Melayu yang lebih menekankan pada perekonomian di bidang maritim dan simbol-simbol Arab akan berbeda dengan budaya Jawa yang lebih agraris dan sinkretis.

The diplomacy of socialist Yugoslavia paid a lot of attention to the international reputation of the country in the sphere of culture, and thus literature. At the same time, Yugoslav writers in the Writer's Union of Yugoslavia, faithfully supported Yugoslav foreign policy, both individually and institutionally. The most impressive example of collaboration between literature and diplomacy was awarding Ivo Andrić a Nobel Prize. The Writers' Union of Yugoslavia nominated the writer in 1958, and Yugoslav diplomacy lobbied in favor of Andrić for several years. The efforts were successfully crowned in 1961. In socialist Yugoslavia, the existence of a special Macedonian nation and its culture and language was insisted on, so in that sense, the greatest challenge was denying the Macedonian identity that came from Bulgaria. The Yugoslav Writers' Union, consistently pursuing state policy, suspended official co-operation with the Bulgarian Writers' Union in the second half of the 1960s due to Bulgaria's refusal to recognize the Macedonian language. Yugoslav writers also adapted to the state policy of non-alignment. They did not reach the level of cooperation with those countries that existed in the field of politics, economics or science, but they maintained ties with writers from those parts of the world in various ways. Among other things, the twentieth anniversary of the Belgrade Conference of the Non-Aligned Nations in October 1981 was a meeting of writers of non-aligned countries in Belgrade.

Abstract In the New Order era, in the late 1970s and early 1990s, the student movement was confronted with repressive actions by the government, a policy to restrict students' political activities. So the search for a new format of movement is a necessity, the study group is chosen as a new format of student movement. This research explains how the process of changing the formation of student movements from the study group to the Democratic People Party (PRD), as well as explaining the radical political activities of the PRD from the New Order until post-reform. This study is a literature study using written data. The objective of the study was to raise the role of non-mainstream party politics in the contemporary Indonesian political stage. In the context of the social movement that became the object of this study, transformation takes place in several forms. First, the change from study groups that examine critical social literature and marxism, underground, transformed into a "formal institution" movement in the form of an Action Committee and a non-governmental organization (NGO). Second, the change from the Committee of Action and Non-Governmental Organizations into a political party (PRD). Third, the change of movement format from the "resistance" party to the electoral party after the fall of the New Order government. And Fourth, change back into social movement of political party. Keywords: Democratic People Party; Radicalism; Social Movements; Study club.

Reformation became an important moment of democratization in Indonesia. The two important political changes that occur in reformation era are the freedom to establish political parties and the electoral system. Such changes have an impact on the emergence of a coalition phenomenon in Indonesia, because general elections with multiparty systems are unable to produce a majority vote in parliament. This paper aims to map and analyze the dinamic of the political party coalition in Indonesia' presidential election in the reform era within coalition theories by Riker, Katz&Mair and Swaan. Using a qualitative approach and secondary data from media and literature, the main factor that influence the formation of coalitions in the presidential elections in the reform era is political pragmatism. It Political pragmatism makes political partiesparty politics as a cartel party that becomes the agent of the state and employ the resources of the state to ensure their party' survival. Pragmatism ultimately makes the ideology is not a binding factor in building a coalition, but simply to maximize power.

Building democracy is not something easy, democracy as a political system has become the choice of our founding fathers. Democracy to this day is still considered to be the best political system of the political system that has ever existed. As the best political system, democracy must be cared for and fostered in order to thrive in our country, the Republic of Indonesia. However, at present, there are many efforts that distort democracy. SARA politics developed by certain groups for example. Besides the hoax news that is repeatedly spread so that it is considered a truth. This ultimately made people including millennials confused. This paper aims to explore more deeply how to build a democratic democracy and the dynamics of the 2019 presidential election. In this paper the literature research method is used. In the discussion it can be concluded that the challenge of the 2019 general election is: how to deal with challenges ahead of the 2019 general election in Indonesia to implement an effective political constellation to build political stability.

Purpose One of the strongest connections in politics in developing countries is through military links. This study aims to examine the auditor choice preference of the militarily-connected firms in Indonesia, an emerging country where there is a strong influence from the military on political decision-making. Design/methodology/approach The analysis used 3,473 firms-year observations listed on the Indonesian Stock Exchange spanning from 2003 to 2017 using regression and other statistical tests. Findings The results reveal that firms with a militarily-connected director are less likely to appoint one of the Big 4 auditors. Using the military reform as a natural experiment, the finding shows that militarily-connected firms did not change their auditor choice preference even after the military reform. Interestingly, I find that connected firms are associated with high earnings management. In addition, the different retirement position level and military affiliations of the connected directors generate different outcomes related to the auditor choice decision. Overall, the results indicate that militarily-connected firms were less likely to appoint one of the Big 4 auditors both before and after the military reforms. These results are robust, even after the author controlled for political connections, year fixed effects and industry fixed effects. Research limitations/implications Because of the limitations of the prior literature on military connections, this study is developed based on the assumption that the militarily-connected directors have identical behavior whether they serve in either public or private companies. However, this assumption could be invalid which potentially affects the interpretation of some of the results in this study. Originality/value This paper provides direct evidence of the auditor choice preference of firms with a military connection. The evidence builds on the existing literature on the difference in auditor choice preference between politically and militarily-connected firms.

The declining attention of young voters on several aspects makes political education very vital for the sustainability of democracy in Indonesia. Political education for students who are young voters in this case are students of the Constitutional Law is considered important to increase their participation at the tertiary level, namely the election of DEMA (Student Executive Council) IAIN Madura. This study used an approach to students of the Constitutional Law study program, Islamic State Faculty of IAIN Madura through observation and interviews as well as data collection supported by document studies through several relevant kinds of literature so that data triangulation was then carried out to produce valid data. The results showed that in the aspect of students' initial knowledge about elections from several informants of the Constitutional Law study program students obtained data that they already had a good understanding of. Then on the aspect of student perspectives on campus politics, some of them do not know information about the election of the chairman of the DEMA (Student Executive Council) due to several reasons behind it. So then to increase student political participation in the election of the chairman of DEMA the author formulated three political stimuli, namely through learning political science courses, through campus organizations, and mass media.