The appeal of populism
In: The governance of small states in turbulent times: the exemplary cases of Norway and Slovakia, S. 157-185
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In: The governance of small states in turbulent times: the exemplary cases of Norway and Slovakia, S. 157-185
In: Medien und Demokratie: europäische Erfahrungen, S. 183-189
In: Das politische Südamerika: Gesellschaft, Wirtschaft, Politik und Kultur, S. 51-73
"Seit den 1980er und 1990er Jahren etablierten sich in vielen Staaten Südamerikas demokratische Regierungen. Trotzdem sind unsere Vorstellungen von Lateinamerika durch die Bilder von Revolutionären, von Putschisten und Populisten geprägt. Nikolaus Werz entfaltet und erörtert diese drei Schlüsselbegriffe. So ist mit Blick auf den Begriff der Revolution zunächst zwischen angekündigten, scheinbaren und letztlich vier realen Revolutionen im 20. Jahrhundert - die in dem Beitrag skizziert werden - zu unterscheiden. Somit sind Revolutionen nicht zum Motor der Geschichte geworden. Trotz der demokratischen Konsolidierung in den vergangenen zwei Dekaden und der internationalen Ächtung ist der Staatsstreich in Einzelfällen immer noch ein Mittel der Politik. Der Populismus schließlich - die dritte Konstante - ist ungeachtet seiner verschiedenen Spielarten ein langlebiges Phänomen. Formen populistischer Demokratie sind in Südamerika gerade deshalb so häufig, weil die repräsentative und liberale Demokratie bei der Mehrheit der Bevölkerung nicht wirklich populär ist." (Autorenreferat)
In: Politische Kultur in (Südost-) Europa: Charakteristika, Vermittlung, Wandel, S. 149-159
Argues that recent changes in US immigration reform have introduced a populist, entrepreneurial, & interest group style into immigration politics. The focus is on events that have occurred since 1994, with emphasis on the critical period 1994-1998. An examination of federal & state efforts to control immigration includes regulations related to the legal entry of temporary visitors or migrants, permanent immigrants, refugees, & asylum seekers. Other government actions that impact immigrants, especially welfare reform, are discussed. Serious immigration policy proposals are reviewed & followed through the legislative process, noting modifications, passage by Congress, blockage of implementation by court challenges or executive orders, & the watering down of laws by subsequent Congressional or state actions. It is concluded that the distinction between policies toward legal & illegal immigration has strengthened; various aspects of immigration are treated as discrete issues; partisanship has replaced consensus; & elements of both a new populist & interest-group mode are being exhibited. 6 Tables, 1 Appendix, 30 References. J. Lindroth
Argues that recent changes in US immigration reform have introduced a populist, entrepreneurial, & interest group style into immigration politics. The focus is on events that have occurred since 1994, with emphasis on the critical period 1994-1998. An examination of federal & state efforts to control immigration includes regulations related to the legal entry of temporary visitors or migrants, permanent immigrants, refugees, & asylum seekers. Other government actions that impact immigrants, especially welfare reform, are discussed. Serious immigration policy proposals are reviewed & followed through the legislative process, noting modifications, passage by Congress, blockage of implementation by court challenges or executive orders, & the watering down of laws by subsequent Congressional or state actions. It is concluded that the distinction between policies toward legal & illegal immigration has strengthened; various aspects of immigration are treated as discrete issues; partisanship has replaced consensus; & elements of both a new populist & interest-group mode are being exhibited. 6 Tables, 1 Appendix, 30 References. J. Lindroth
In: Rechtsextremismus in Deutschland und Europa: rechts außen - rechts "Mitte"?, S. 39-45
In: Politik im Klimawandel: keine Macht für gerechte Lösungen?, S. 65-80
In: Conflicts in a transnational world: lessons from nations and states in transformation, S. 223-238
In: Nation - Ausgrenzung - Krise: kritische Perspektiven auf Europa, S. 164-174
In: From the far right to the mainstream: Islamophobia in party politics and the media, S. 29-44
In: Populismus. Herausforderung oder Gefahr für die Demokratie?, S. 111-126
Examines the ascendance of the extremist right-wing Freedom Party of Austria (FPO) & the "Haider phenomenon" that led the EU to impose sanctions against Austria. Freedom Party (FPO) leader Jorg Haider has been described as "Europe's most successful politician of the past decade," & fear that the "Haider effect" might be contagious was a prime impetus behind the sanctions. It is argued that Haider's success represents neither a "resurgence of Nazism" nor a "new type of fascism." The FPO is neither anti-democratic nor racist, & doesn't promote violence as a means for achieving political goals. Rather, Haider is a "charismatic populist" whose politics are not consistent with traditional notions of the Left or Right, but a new pattern of political discourse formed from elements of various political traditions & struggles. It is maintained that Haider's new politics alternate between the two seemingly incompatible positions of "ethnocratic liberalism" & "exclusionary welfarism." Key components involved in how Haider deals with the past are explored, along with prospects for the FPO's continued success. J. Lindroth
Takes a French perspective to assess the lessons learned from the controversial "blue-black" conservative coalition government. The French government felt the Freedom Party's access to the government of an EU-member state was contrary to the values underlying European integration & French "Republicanism." It is argued that the conflict generated by Austria's "black-blue" coalition reflects discrepancies between the foreign view of Austria & debates occurring in that country, as well as confused French perceptions of Austria, & lack of a common understanding of a European value system. The influence on French perceptions of the debate within France about its own culture is explored. It is argued that the propagation of "symbolic fascism & Nazism" by the national-populist trend in Austria represents a betrayal of the Austrian cultural/political identity that has been formulated since 1945, & a challenge to French sensitivities. Prospects for the end of the Austria's coalition system & the reestablishment of democratic debate are discussed. 5 References. J. Lindroth
Argues that Austria's Freedom Party (FPO) is not part of a European movement toward the extreme Right but a reflection of Austria's unwillingness to deal with national socialism & its Nazi past. An examination of terms like "extreme Right" & "neopopulist" is followed by a comparison of the political nature/activities of the FPO & other extreme-Right parties. It is noted that the FPO grew out of the Assoc of Independents founded in 1949. The critical importance of Jorg Haider's charisma & talent as a politician is discussed, along with the consequences of the 2000 coalition government between the FPO & the People's Party that made the FPO the only extreme-Right party participating in a governing coalition in a member state of the European Union (EU). Although the FPO is a typical European extreme-Right party, it is maintained that fears of the spread of "Haiderism" are baseless because the FPO is an Austrian phenomenon stemming from that nation's delayed nation-building process, underdeveloped democratic culture, & eroded political system. J. Lindroth