This second edition of this highly-successful glossary provides an exhaustive and authoritative guide to over 200 technical terms used in contemporary scholarly research on poverty. It seeks to make researchers, students and policy makers aware of the multi-dimensional character of this social condition. The new edition includes a range of entries to keep pace with an expanding field of discourse, an expanded set of references and further perspectives from developing countries. A special effort has been made to incorporate non-Western approaches and concepts
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AbstractUsing data from the Consumer Expenditure Survey and the March Current Population Survey, we provide poverty estimates for 1967 to 2012 based on a historical supplemental poverty measure (SPM). During this period, poverty, as officially measured, has stagnated. However, the official poverty measure (OPM) does not account for the effect of near‐cash transfers on the financial resources available to families, an important omission since such transfers have become an increasingly important part of government antipoverty policy. Applying the historical SPM, which does count such transfers, we find that trends in poverty have been more favorable than the OPM suggests and that government policies have played an important and growing role in reducing poverty—a role that is not evident when the OPM is used to assess poverty. We also find that government programs have played a particularly important role in alleviating child poverty and deep poverty, especially during economic downturns.
In: Differenz und Integration: die Zukunft moderner Gesellschaften ; Verhandlungen des 28. Kongresses der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Soziologie im Oktober 1996 in Dresden ; Band 2: Sektionen, Arbeitsgruppen, Foren, Fedor-Stepun-Tagung, S. 379-383
"Im Vortrag wird das theoretische Vakuum erläutert, in dem sich die Armutsforscher in den postsozialistischen Ländern befinden. Dies liegt zum einen an der geringen Vertrautheit mit den theoretischen Diskussionen im Westen, zum anderen daran, daß bei einer Ähnlichkeit äußerer Erscheinungsformen Armut in Rußland und in den Ländern mit entwickelter Marktwirtschaft sehr unterschiedlich ist und keiner einheitlicher Messung unterzogen werden kann. Unterschiedliche methodische Ansätze in Rußland selbst bedingen eine große Bandbreite des vermuteten Armutsausmaßes: zwischen acht bis 80 Prozent der Bevölkerung werden als 'arm' bezeichnet. Die verwendeten Methoden, die auf die Traditionen der sowjetischen Soziologie zurückzuführen sind, verabsolutieren quantitative Messungen. Ausführungen aus Ergebnisanalysen von Massenumfragen spiegeln dagegen die 'Parteilichkeit' der Forscher wider. Ein großer Teil der Einkommen der verschiedenen sozialen Gruppen werden weder von der Statistik erfaßt noch von den Wissenschaftern, die sich mit der Schattenwirtschaft beschäftigen. Schon aus diesem Grunde wird das Armutsausmaß sehr stark übertrieben, ganz unabhängig von den angewandten Methoden. Die meisten gegenwärtig beobachtbaren Überlebensstrategien sind mit Beschäftigungen im informellen Sektor verbunden. Dennoch wird dieser Umstand von den Soziologen ignoriert, insbesondere deshalb, weil qualitative Methoden der Sozialforschung entweder unbekannt sind oder abgelehnt werden. Die offizielle Statistik und bisherige Forschungsergebnisse ergeben völlig unangemessene Vorstellungen über Armut und folglich über soziale Ungleichheit und die sich erneuernde Sozialstruktur in der Transformationsgesellschaft. Dazu kommt, daß die Forschung durch einige etablierte Forschungsgruppen monopolisiert wird, auf deren ausgesprochen politisierter Tätigkeit das geläufige Bild über Armut in Rußland beruht. Auch die Übertragung von Modellen, die anhand der Beobachtung westlicher Gesellschaften erarbeitet wurden, wirkt sich negativ auf die Theoriebildung - und letztlich auf die politische Entscheidungsfindung - aus." (Autorenreferat)
Poverty is often defined as lacking the financial resources to meet a set of basic needs. Here I consider four questions. First, how is the relevant level of basic needs to be determined? Second, given that the possibility of satisfying basic needs is not solely determined by possession of financial resources, is poverty better understood or measured at least in part in non-financial terms? Third, what, if anything, is owed to people in poverty, and by whom? And finally, what social policies should be favoured in attempting to deal with poverty? The key message is that overcoming poverty is more than meeting needs for food and shelter, but also includes meeting the human needs for a social life and fitting in with what is commonly expected in society (overcoming relative poverty). Out of respect for all, governments have a duty to adopt policies to bring people out of poverty.
The volumes of debate on poverty suggest that there is no unanimously agreed definition of poverty that can be applied for everyone. Poverty is a political and highly contested concept because what commentators mean by poverty depends on what they intend to do about it. Given this context, Palash Kamruzzaman explores two key aspects of global poverty reduction. First, he asks, is it really possible to understand poverty for all poor countries through a ubiquitous definition? Why has a US dollar based definition of poverty been promoted by the international aid architecture for all poor countries? Second, the author assesses to what extent such an understanding of poverty contributed to poverty reduction in poor developing countries. This is of particular significance in the final year of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), especially to find out more effective ways forward for poverty reduction after 2015. Taking specific country-contexts into account, Kamruzzaman argues that national poverty lines should be the benchmark for future anti-poverty policies.
Two questions basic to welfare policy are examined: (1) whether the amount of poverty-related transfers is sufficient to fill the poverty gap; & (2) which families actually get benefits & how much of their income deficit is filled by those benefits. Transfers are seen to be sufficient. The post-Social Security poverty gap is $74 billion, while poverty-related programs total $198 billion. Further, 86% of current income-conditioned benefits go to the pretransfer poor & 89% of those are used to alleviate poverty (fill the poverty gap). Thus, if a substantial fraction of total federal & state expenditures on poverty-related programs could be targeted more toward the poor, the poverty gap would be eliminated. The current programs, however, would have to be changed substantially to achieve the necessary retargeting. 3 Tables, 1 Appendix. HA
AbstractThis article examines the effect of poverty volatility on poverty in developing countries. Poverty volatility refers to the amplitude of the change in poverty rates over a given period of time. Variations in poverty rates can potentially arise from countries' vulnerability to a variety of shocks that induce greater macroeconomic volatility, including economic growth volatility. The empirical analysis shows that poverty volatility consistently induces a rise in poverty rates, and this positive poverty effect of poverty volatility increases as the degree of poverty volatility rises. Policies that help reduce poverty volatility (including by dampening economic growth volatility) would contribute to poverty reduction.
The main objective of this paper is to develop a methodology to measure poverty which takes account of uncertainty involved in the specification of poverty line. This methodology is applied to analyze poverty in India covering periods 1977-1978, 1983, 1986-1987, and 1988-1989.
Purpose of the study: Nigerian government has pursued myriads of poverty alleviation programmes for the ultimate purpose of mitigating poverty in the country. However, amidst the programmes, poverty still rabidly refused to get mitigated. Thus, the objectives of this study would be (a) to pinpoint some capital reasons for the persistence of extreme poverty in the country; and (b) to provide some panaceas to the issue. However, before this, the study would look at some poverty alleviation programmes in Nigeria. Methodology: This is exploratory research that is based on secondary research method. Data used were generated from textbooks, online newspapers, journal articles, organizational reports, etc. Findings: Findings of this study demonstrate that erraticness of programmes/policies, corruption and mismanagement, hypocrisy on the part of World Bank and IMF, imitation of other countries' policies without proper consideration of the peculiarities of the Nigerian society/system, political deception and interference, etc. are responsible for the mushrooming of poverty in Nigeria even in the midst of poverty alleviation programmes. Application: This study will be of great help to Nigerian potentates/leaders and organizations who sincerely want to tackle the issue of poverty in the country. It will enable them to see the reasons for the unsuccessfulness of past and present poverty alleviation programmes in the country and the way out. Novelty/Originality: The study will be highly useful to students, lecturers and future researchers in the field of political science, mainly in Nigeria. For future researchers, particularly, the study will serve as a springboard for further research on the hindrances to the success of poverty alleviation programmes in the country.
This article offers a cross-country overview of child poverty, changes in child poverty, and the impact of public policy in North America and Europe. Levels and changes in child poverty rates in 12 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries during the 1990s are documented using data from the Luxembourg Income Study project, and a decomposition analysis is used to uncover the relative role of demographic factors, labor markets, and income transfers from the state in determining the magnitude and direction of the changes. Child poverty rates fell noticeably in only three countries and rose in three others. In no country were demographic factors a force for higher child poverty rates, but these factors were also limited in their ability to cushion children from adverse shocks originating in the labor market or the government sector. Increases in the labor market engagement of mothers consistently lowered child poverty rates, while decreases in the employment rates and earnings of fathers were a force for higher rates. Finally, there is no single road to lower child poverty rates. Reforms to income transfers intended to increase labor supply may or may not end up lowering the child poverty rate.