Este documento é uma tradução do livro publicado em português, "Pobreza e paz nos PALOP", Sextante Editora (2009), ISBN 978-989-676-007-6 ; Summarizing the political and economic evolution of Mozambique since the end of colonialism until the present time and cross-referencing it with narrations of Mozambicans who experienced these distinctive stages of the recent History of their country, this article starts with a reflection on the explanatory factors concerning the absence of historical framing and anthropological approaches in studies of poverty and an interpretation of the theoretical outlooks on which these studies are based. Some of the possible causes for the high rate of poverty registered in this country were examined and given explanation against the existence of direct link between war and poverty. In the end, the post-conflict period and some of features of the pursued policies were analyzed and the author concludes emphasizing the relevance of perceiving poverty in a contextualized manner, inserting it into the set of economic and social relations from which it is , globally and locally, a fundamental part.
A considerable part of the poverty that is measured in a single period is transitory rather than persistent. In most countries, only a portion of people who are currently poor are persistently poor. People who are persistently poor or who cycle into and out of poverty should be the main focus of anti-poverty policies. Understanding the characteristics of the persistently poor, and the circumstances and mechanisms associated with entry into and exit from poverty, can help to inform governments about options to reduce persistent poverty. Differences in poverty persistence across countries can shed additional light on possible sources of poverty persistence.
Using data from the Consumer Expenditure Survey and the March Current Population Survey, we calculate historical poverty estimates based on the new Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM) from 1967 to 2012. During this period, poverty as officially measured has stagnated. However, the official poverty measure (OPM) does not account for the effect of near-cash transfers on the financial resources available to families, an important omission since such transfers have become an increasingly important part of government anti-poverty policy. Applying the SPM, which does count such transfers, we find that historical trends in poverty have been more favorable than the OPM suggests and that government policies have played an important and growing role in reducing poverty --- a role that is not evident when the OPM is used to assess poverty. We also find that government programs have played a particularly important role in alleviating child poverty and deep poverty, especially during economic downturns.
Poverty is often defined as lacking the financial resources to meet a set of basic needs. Here I consider four questions. First, how is the relevant level of basic needs to be determined? Second, given that the possibility of satisfying basic needs is not solely determined by possession of financial resources, is poverty better understood or measured at least in part in non-financial terms? Third, what, if anything, is owed to people in poverty, and by whom? And finally, what social policies should be favoured in attempting to deal with poverty? The key message is that overcoming poverty is more than meeting needs for food and shelter, but also includes meeting the human needs for a social life and fitting in with what is commonly expected in society (overcoming relative poverty). Out of respect for all, governments have a duty to adopt policies to bring people out of poverty.
In: Differenz und Integration: die Zukunft moderner Gesellschaften ; Verhandlungen des 28. Kongresses der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Soziologie im Oktober 1996 in Dresden ; Band 2: Sektionen, Arbeitsgruppen, Foren, Fedor-Stepun-Tagung, S. 379-383
"Im Vortrag wird das theoretische Vakuum erläutert, in dem sich die Armutsforscher in den postsozialistischen Ländern befinden. Dies liegt zum einen an der geringen Vertrautheit mit den theoretischen Diskussionen im Westen, zum anderen daran, daß bei einer Ähnlichkeit äußerer Erscheinungsformen Armut in Rußland und in den Ländern mit entwickelter Marktwirtschaft sehr unterschiedlich ist und keiner einheitlicher Messung unterzogen werden kann. Unterschiedliche methodische Ansätze in Rußland selbst bedingen eine große Bandbreite des vermuteten Armutsausmaßes: zwischen acht bis 80 Prozent der Bevölkerung werden als 'arm' bezeichnet. Die verwendeten Methoden, die auf die Traditionen der sowjetischen Soziologie zurückzuführen sind, verabsolutieren quantitative Messungen. Ausführungen aus Ergebnisanalysen von Massenumfragen spiegeln dagegen die 'Parteilichkeit' der Forscher wider. Ein großer Teil der Einkommen der verschiedenen sozialen Gruppen werden weder von der Statistik erfaßt noch von den Wissenschaftern, die sich mit der Schattenwirtschaft beschäftigen. Schon aus diesem Grunde wird das Armutsausmaß sehr stark übertrieben, ganz unabhängig von den angewandten Methoden. Die meisten gegenwärtig beobachtbaren Überlebensstrategien sind mit Beschäftigungen im informellen Sektor verbunden. Dennoch wird dieser Umstand von den Soziologen ignoriert, insbesondere deshalb, weil qualitative Methoden der Sozialforschung entweder unbekannt sind oder abgelehnt werden. Die offizielle Statistik und bisherige Forschungsergebnisse ergeben völlig unangemessene Vorstellungen über Armut und folglich über soziale Ungleichheit und die sich erneuernde Sozialstruktur in der Transformationsgesellschaft. Dazu kommt, daß die Forschung durch einige etablierte Forschungsgruppen monopolisiert wird, auf deren ausgesprochen politisierter Tätigkeit das geläufige Bild über Armut in Rußland beruht. Auch die Übertragung von Modellen, die anhand der Beobachtung westlicher Gesellschaften erarbeitet wurden, wirkt sich negativ auf die Theoriebildung - und letztlich auf die politische Entscheidungsfindung - aus." (Autorenreferat)
Purpose of the study: Nigerian government has pursued myriads of poverty alleviation programmes for the ultimate purpose of mitigating poverty in the country. However, amidst the programmes, poverty still rabidly refused to get mitigated. Thus, the objectives of this study would be (a) to pinpoint some capital reasons for the persistence of extreme poverty in the country; and (b) to provide some panaceas to the issue. However, before this, the study would look at some poverty alleviation programmes in Nigeria. Methodology: This is exploratory research that is based on secondary research method. Data used were generated from textbooks, online newspapers, journal articles, organizational reports, etc. Findings: Findings of this study demonstrate that erraticness of programmes/policies, corruption and mismanagement, hypocrisy on the part of World Bank and IMF, imitation of other countries' policies without proper consideration of the peculiarities of the Nigerian society/system, political deception and interference, etc. are responsible for the mushrooming of poverty in Nigeria even in the midst of poverty alleviation programmes. Application: This study will be of great help to Nigerian potentates/leaders and organizations who sincerely want to tackle the issue of poverty in the country. It will enable them to see the reasons for the unsuccessfulness of past and present poverty alleviation programmes in the country and the way out. Novelty/Originality: The study will be highly useful to students, lecturers and future researchers in the field of political science, mainly in Nigeria. For future researchers, particularly, the study will serve as a springboard for further research on the hindrances to the success of poverty alleviation programmes in the country.
This article offers a cross-country overview of child poverty, changes in child poverty, and the impact of public policy in North America and Europe. Levels and changes in child poverty rates in 12 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries during the 1990s are documented using data from the Luxembourg Income Study project, and a decomposition analysis is used to uncover the relative role of demographic factors, labor markets, and income transfers from the state in determining the magnitude and direction of the changes. Child poverty rates fell noticeably in only three countries and rose in three others. In no country were demographic factors a force for higher child poverty rates, but these factors were also limited in their ability to cushion children from adverse shocks originating in the labor market or the government sector. Increases in the labor market engagement of mothers consistently lowered child poverty rates, while decreases in the employment rates and earnings of fathers were a force for higher rates. Finally, there is no single road to lower child poverty rates. Reforms to income transfers intended to increase labor supply may or may not end up lowering the child poverty rate.
Poverty measures set a poverty line or threshold and then evaluate resources against that threshold. The official poverty measure is flawed on both counts: it uses thresholds that are outdated and are not adjusted appropriately for the needs of different types of individuals and households; and it uses an incomplete measure of resources which fails to take into account the full range of income and expenses that individuals and households have. Because of these (and other) failings, statistics using the official poverty measure do not provide an accurate picture of poverty or the role of government policies in combating poverty. To address these well-known limitations, the Census Bureau recently implemented a supplemental poverty measure (SPM) which applies an improved set of thresholds and a more comprehensive measure of resources. In this report we apply an alternative poverty measure which differs from the SPM in only one respect. Instead of having a threshold that is re-calculated over time, we use today's threshold and carry it back historically by adjusting it for inflation using the CPI-U-RS. Because this alternative measure is anchored with today's SPM threshold, we refer to as an anchored supplemental poverty measure or anchored SPM for short. In addition to the reasons discussed above, another advantage of an anchored SPM (or any absolute poverty measure, for that matter) is that poverty trends resulting from such a measure can be explained by changes in income and net transfer payments (cash or in kind). Trends in poverty based on a relative measure (e.g. SPM poverty), on the other hand, could be due to over time changes in thresholds. Thus, an anchored SPM arguably provides a cleaner measure of how changes in income and net transfer payments have affected poverty historically
Using data from the Consumer Expenditure Survey and the March Current Population Survey, we provide poverty estimates for 1967 to 2012 based on a historical Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM). During this period, poverty, as officially measured, has stagnated. However, the official poverty measure (OPM) does not account for the effect of near-cash transfers on the financial resources available to families, an important omission since such transfers have become an increasingly important part of government anti-poverty policy. Applying the historical SPM, which does count such transfers, we find that trends in poverty have been more favorable than the OPM suggests and that government policies have played an important and growing role in reducing poverty—a role that is not evident when the OPM is used to assess poverty. We also find that government programs have played a particularly important role in alleviating child poverty and deep poverty, especially during economic downturns.