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La crise que nous vivons, sans précédent dans l'histoire, touche la société humaine toute entière, constitue une crise de l'espèce. Aujourd'hui que la science se trouve si décriée n'est-il pas dérisoire de s'interroger sur ce que peuvent apporter les sciences du comportement à sa résolution? Malgré les nombreux obstacles envisageables, une analyse expérimentale du comportement dans la perspective behavioriste devrait pousser à l'implantation d'une politique expérimentale, actuellement étrangère à tous les usages (règne des partis, objectif du pouvoir, circulation limitée des informations, abus des renforcements immédiats). Une telle politique expérimentale devrait générer des citoyens actifs et diversifiés. ; The contemporary crisis, new in history, affects the whole human society, constitutes a crisis of the species. Today, when science is so descredited, can we seriously propose the use of behavioral methods for solution. In spite of many anticipated difficulties, an experimental analysis of behavior must bring forward the implantation of experimental politics, unknown to the present habits of political parties with their struggles for power, the limited access to informations, the abuse of immediate reinforcers. Such experimental politics would have as objective the emergence of an active and multifarious citizen.

International audience ; In this study on Les Mystères de Paris by Eugène Sue, we attempt to determine the reciprocal effect of the social image produced by one work of litterature on the overall literary output of its author. A serialised novel written on a day-to-day basis and published over more than a year, Les Mystères de Paris bear the stamp of its readership. The many letters received by the writer as his serial was brought out were, in a manner of speaking, integrated into the very fabric of the novel by the author, through the comments and factual hints these letters contained. The fact that Sue took into account this feedback from his readers brought about a shift in the writer's political stance ; a Legitimist* Dandy turned «socialist intellectual» through having accepted the role of spokesman. assigned him by the petty and middle bourgeoisie. Along with this came changes in the work itself which, starting off as a picturesque novel exploring the seedier side of Parisian life, changes into a programmatical catalogueexpounding social reforms. So here we have an invaluable document relating to the philanthropical vision of society in the nineteenth century, and one which illustrates the shift from a notion of 'OldRegime'** -style social assistance to a more modem one and «scientific» one ; Dans cette étude sur Les Mystères de Paris d'Eugène Sue, on s'efforce de mesurer l'effet produit par l'image sociale d'une oeuvre sur l'oeuvre elle-même et son auteur. Roman-feuilleton écrit au jour le jour et publié durant plus d'un an, Les Mystères de Paris portent l'empreinte de ceux qui l'ont lu : les nombreuses lettres reçues par l'écrivain, au fur et à mesure de la parution, ont été en quelque sorte intégrées au roman par l'auteur, à travers les jugements et les informations qu'elles contenaient. La prise en compte par Sue de l'image que lui renvoyait le public a entraîné une évolution de l'écrivain, dandy légitimiste mué en «intellectuel socialiste» pour avoir accepté le rôle de porte-parole que lui assignaient ...

The Soviet Union is based on the idea of international communism. The State declares, in turn, its national state and its globalist vocation. Social expenditure will be preferred in the first case, military expenditure in the latter case. Social expenditure cannot be described in this way, because it is the Communist Party, which represents the people, which has the power and itself determines the income of each worker. There is no exploitation of the profession as in capitalist countries. This type of study involves making assumptions about Moscow's social expenditure, estimating military expenditure and then resolving a number of statistical obstacles. This econometric analysis highlights the existence of a unilateral relationship between social and military spending. The overall effects of social and military spending on large economic variables are often opposed. Military expenditure is partly dependent on developments in social benefits, highlighting the continued choice between the power economy and the welfare economy. ; International audience ; The Soviet Union is based on the idea of international communism. The State declares, in turn, its national state and its globalist vocation. Social expenditure will be preferred in the first case, military expenditure in the latter case. Social expenditure cannot be described in this way, because it is the Communist Party, which represents the people, which has the power and itself determines the income of each worker. There is no exploitation of the profession as in capitalist countries. This type of study involves making assumptions about Moscow's social expenditure, estimating military expenditure and then resolving a number of statistical obstacles. This econometric analysis highlights the existence of a unilateral relationship between social and military spending. The overall effects of social and military spending on large economic variables are often opposed. Military expenditure is partly dependent on developments in social benefits, highlighting the ...

John Keep, Emancipation by the axe? Peasant revolts in Russian thought and literature.
Contrary to widespread opinion, a continuous thread runs from the 17th- and 18th-century Russian peasant revolts to the agrarian revolutions of 1905 and 1917, manifested in the survival of social Utopian myths. The Razin legendary cycle, distorting Christian teaching, presents the "liberator" as an avenging apostle. Russian writers from Pushkin onward, and later social theorists, took up the theme of agrarian violence but were shocked by the brutal events of 1917-1918. Early Soviet writers (e.g. L. Leonov) offered a critical portrait of the peasant revolutionaries, but subsequently this theme has been neglected. A comparison of two novels on the Razin revolt (A. P. Chapygin, 1927; S. Zlobin, 1951) illustrates changes in the official ideology and Soviet literary taste; popular mythology is today manipulated for mundane political ends.

Moroccan Economic and Social Bulletin ; N° 153-154 ; Moroccan Economic and Social Bulletin ; Périodiques Bulletin économique et social du Maroc ; Moroccan Economic and Social Bulletin ; BESM-article_153-154-09

This paper gives some solutions concerning the maximum available electrical power by a passive network from an active one, where the optimality conditions given by C. A. Desoer cannot be realized, for physical reasons. The theory given in this paper mainly concerns the distribution and subtransmission power systems.

Military regimes and social classes in black Africa: a hypothesis, by Tatania Yannopoulos and Denis Martin
Examples from the history of the African States since their independence show that the purpose of military intervention in political life has been either to take the place of an emergent middle class which was weak and whose position in power was threatened, or to settle conflicts between ruling factions when the former were likely to endanger the existing power structure, or to act as a spearhead on behalf of the privileged classes ousted by progressive forces. From this standpoint, the case of reputedly progressive regimes established after military coups d'Etat poses a question; in fact, it would seem that these regimes are set up to replace leaders who are either too corrupt or are incapable of modernizing society. The circumstances surrounding their emergence thus prompt them to use language of a "progressive" nature, whereas their actual policies differ very little from those implemented by other military regimes. The hypothesis advanced here makes allowance for a certain number of factors operating inside Black Africa. It is deliberately confined to an examination of these factors, though it does not deny - on the contrary - the importance of the peripheral position of the continent, i.e. of all the outside forces which have intervened, and continue to intervene, in African politics.
[Revue française de science politique XXII (4), août 1972, pp. 847-882.]

This paper derives from the classical Park equations a physical interpretation of the reactive power delivered by rotating electrical machines similar to the well known interpretation of the same quantity in stationary circuits. Some broader results applicable to sinusoïdal quasi steady states are also derived.

This research theme for the agrarian question in independent Algeria, structural transformation processes of production and class relations in the agrarian sector of the Algerian social formation with these highlights as are the two agrarian reforms since the independence. The analysis of the agrarian question here contributes essential way inform the evolution of the social formation.Thus, in this research we will aim mainly to capture two particular items that the analysis can be to some extent autonomized: class relations in rural society (in the area agrarian social training); the state intervention in the agrarian question, that is, the line and the agrarian program of political power, the method and means of implementing this program, the constraints encountered and the effects obtained.The unity of approach will result from the fact that analyze the relationship between agrarian classes in view to clarify the terms of the agrarian question which political power is confronted. It will be necessary to expand the scope of investigation to the political context (political and ideological) which raises the agrarian question. We will do this primarily by analyzing the one hand the characteristics of the nationalist movement, on the other hand the general guidelines of the policy of the regime of President Boumedienne. ; Cette recherche a pour thème la question agraire dans l'Algérie indépendante, le processus de transformation des structures de la production et des rapports de classes dans le secteur agraire de la formation sociale algérienne avec ces temps forts que constituent les deux réformes agraires réalisées depuis l'indépendance. L'analyse de la question agraire contribue ici de manière essentielle éclairer l'évolution de la formation sociale. Ainsi, dans cette recherche nous viserons principalement à saisir deux objets particuliers dont l'analyse peut être jusqu'à un certain point autonomisée: les rapports de classes dans la société rurale (dans le secteur agraire de la formation sociale) ; les ...

Soziale Taxinomien und Klassenkämpfe.
In den symbolischen Erzeugnissen —den Romanen, Filmen, etc.— der Jahre vor 1930 etwa fehlen Spuren der «Fuhrungskräfte»; sie werden nicht dargestellt. Auch in den Statistiken sind sie bis Kriegsende nicht erfaßt. Zwar gibt es durchaus Angestellte, die in den Unternehmen die nämlichen Stellungen begleichen wie die heutigen «Fuhrungskräfte»; doch es hat alles den Anschein, als wären sie zu jener Zeit noch nicht zum Prinzip ihrer Identität und Einheit vorgedrungen. Gegenstand der vorliegenden Arbeit ist die Analyse des Sammlungsprozesses und der Redefinitionsarbeit, aus denen die Kategorie der «Führungskraft», jener gleichsam neue «Flurname» innerhalb des sozialen Feldes, hervorgeht.
Der Gebrauch des Terminus «Führungs-kraft» als Einheitsbegriff wie die Konstitution der «Führungskräfte» als explizite Gruppe sind nicht zu trennen von den nach den Streiks von 1936 verstärkt einsetzenden Maßnahmen, die soziale Ordnung wieder herzustellen und in den Griff zu bekommen. Die «Mittelklassen» sind zu sammeln Zwecks Transformation dieser trägen «Masse» in eine Klasse, die kraft ihrer Zahl und Kohäsion die Arbeiterklasse einzudämmen und zu schlagen vermag. Das Auftreten der «Fuhrungskräfte» als anerkannte und benannte Gruppe ist nicht zu trennen von der Ideologie des «Dritten Weges» : Die «Mittelklassen» und innerhalb dieser, die «Führungskräfte», bilden das Zwischenglied, die «Dritte Partei» zwischen Arbeiterklasse und Unternehmertum. Die in den Dreiziger Jahren, besonders nach 1936, zunehmend steigende Flut von Literatur über die Mittelklassen und die «Führungskräfte» ist im Kern durch den Korporatismus und den Sozialkatholizismus inspiriert (einmal abgesehen vom italienischen Faschismus, der die meisten Ideologen der «Mittelklassen» faszinierte).
Vichy trägt durch die offizielle Anerkennung der Kategorie stark zur Vereinheitlichung der «Fuhrungskräfte» bei. Die nach Kriegsende ausgehandelten «Parodi-Vereinbarungen» stellen die durch Vichy gestiftete Repräsentation einer dreigeteilten sozialen Welt auf Dauer. Die Confédération générale des cadres übernimmt das Erbe der Mittelklassenbewegung der Dreiziger Jahre.
Parallel zur Offïzialisierung vollzieht sich eine nicht unerhebliche Repräsentationsarbeit : eine ganze Literatur, häufig von katholischen Ingenieuren geschrieben, legt dar, «was» die «Führungskraft», der «leitende Angestellte» ist, was er «sein soll», verkündet dessen Werte. Im Umkreis dieser Ingenieure vollzieht sich die Sammlungsbewegung derer, die man bisher «Kollaborateure» nannte, um damit die privilegierten Beziehungen zu kennzeichnen, die diese «Gehalts-empfänger», diese burgerlichen Lohnabhängigen zum Unternehmertum unterhalten.

To the extent that the law allows some trade unions, said to be representative, to fill official positions and to have some official role in the State's legal order, the legal concept of representativity must be ascertained in an undisputable way - Dans la mesure où la loi habilite certains syndicats, dits représentatifs, à remplir certaines fonctions officielles dans l'ordre juridique étatique, la notion juridique de représentativité doit pouvoir être déterminée de façon indiscutable; ; Peer reviewed