Suchergebnisse

Radicalization is a terminological conflation of the two meanings in the context of extreme beliefs or behaviors adopted by individuals or groups as a justification for the use of violence to achieve the objectives. Since radicalization primarily emphasises on, and departures from, the understanding and cognitive processes, the role of peaceful and moderate education in this case can be effectively utilized to serve as a considerably relevant means to prevent it. In addition, radicalization is also limited by the social, political, and economic contexts of a particular region, and combined with the degree of individual autonomy in the search for identity. Accordingly, the deradicalization efforts actually necessitate the consideration of the sociopolitical culture as the basis for policy makers. It is based on the consideration that the radicalization of Islam, even though strongly characterized by transnational movement, contains local elements leading to the radicalization as occasionally random and ununiformed violence in the Muslim world. The findings suggest some valuable strategies to deconstruct the idea of radicalization that can be implemented in several ways, including building and empowering local characterization of Indonesian education of Muslims in particular and of Southeast Asian in general, and reducing the Wahhabism extreme teachings and such highly irrational and ahistorical Arabization ideas and programs in Indonesian context.

Cover -- Title -- Colofon -- Contents -- Preface -- Introduction -- 1. Rethinking radicalisation: Addressing the lack of a contextual perspective in the dominant narratives on radicalisation -- 2. Al-walāʾ wa-l-barāʾ: Back to the roots of a contemporary dogma -- 3. "Here I stand -- I cannot do otherwise" - A philosophical analysis of the terrorist love of death -- 4. Modern Jewish politics and radical activism: a case study -- 5. The role of religiosity in students' perceptions of student-teacher relations, school belonging and valuing of education -- 6. The cumulative role of different types of media in the radicalisation puzzle -- 7. Counter-terrorism policing and the prevention paradox -- 8. Going beyond Eurocentric us-them thinking in history education: Multiperspectivity as a tool against radicalisation and for a better intercultural understanding -- Conclusion -- About the authors

Sidney Jones is director of the Jakarta-based Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC). From 2002 to 2013, she worked with the International Crisis Group, first as Southeast Asia project director, then from 2007 as senior adviser to the Asia program. Before that she worked for the Ford Foundation, Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch. She is an expert on security in Southeast Asia, particularly Islamic terrorist move- ments in Indonesia. Jones has analyzed and extensively written on separatist conflicts (Aceh, Papua, Mindanao), communal conflicts (Poso, Moluccas), and ethnic conflict (Kalimantan) in Indonesia. She also has studied Islamic radicalism, producing reports on the Islamist terrorist network Jemaah Islamiyah and its operations in Indonesia and the Philippines, as well as issues of security sector reform and decentralization in Indonesia. This interview was conducted and recorded at IPAC office in Jakarta on 20 August 2019. It focuses on questions of religious extremism, political violence, and conflict dynamics in contemporary Indonesia.

The "Arab Spring" in Syria has swiftly turned into a multilayered and total war involving global, regional and local actors, some in an official (inter-)governmental capacity but many in other capacities obeying to logics that challenge common understandings of border and identity. This paper aims at studying one such instance: the involvement of Lebanese non-state actors in Syria. Considering the extent of their respective involvement in the Syrian conflict in spite of the Lebanese governmental "policy of dissociation", two non-state actors have been studied: pro-Assad Hezbollah and informal Sunni movements that have embraced the fight of jihadi groups. Beyond the assessment of who these actors are and how they involve in the conflict, the research devotes special attention to what our fieldwork shows to be a key mobilizing factor: the reconstruction of identities across borders. Based on more than 50 semi-directive interviews conducted in Lebanon with a variety of actors and observers, this matured version of a four-year joint research shows differentiated patterns of identity mobilization. On one side, Hezbollah's operatives are bound to a powerful top-down organization with an agenda underpinned by geo-strategic calculations and identity politics; for this group, "assabiya" has proven to be paramount. On the other side, the involvement of Sunnis takes place on an individual basis within networks of jihadists built almost exclusively on the activation of religious identities and enmities; for these mostly atomized actors, social anomy has been found essential. Interestingly, the research has shown that both these obviously opposite social experiences (excess and lack of belonging) converge in making identity so prone to activation that individuals opt for a path leading to a likely if not a certain death in a cross-border conflict that is not theirs at first sight. Our research ambitions to understand these dynamics while relating them to broader factors and notably: the failure of the Lebanese state and society to build a cohesive national project, and the power games of regional and international actors. Both these factors have led to excessive polarization and ensuing narratives of victimization, hence sustaining the cultivation of transnational primary identities at the expenses of national belonging.

This paper was accepted for publication in the journal Government and Opposition and the definitive published version is available at https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.36 ; In our current troubled times, terrorism and the threat of attacks on liberal states preoccupies both policymakers and much of the scholarly community. Four important books are reviewed here. These works represent the evolution of thinking on terrorism over the last three turbulent decades. Revisiting earlier thinking and bringing debates up to date about how to understand and respond to violent threats allows us to ponder what we 'now know' and may not know about terrorism and liberal states.

The "Arab Spring" in Syria has swiftly turned into a multilayered and total war involving global, regional and local actors, some in an official (inter-)governmental capacity but many in other capacities obeying to logics that challenge common understandings of border and identity. This paper aims at studying one such instance: the involvement of Lebanese non-state actors in Syria. Considering the extent of their respective involvement in the Syrian conflict in spite of the Lebanese governmental "policy of dissociation", two non-state actors have been studied: pro-Assad Hezbollah and informal Sunni movements that have embraced the fight of jihadi groups. Beyond the assessment of who these actors are and how they involve in the conflict, the research devotes special attention to what our fieldwork shows to be a key mobilizing factor: the reconstruction of identities across borders. Based on more than 50 semi-directive interviews conducted in Lebanon with a variety of actors and observers, this matured version of a four-year joint research shows differentiated patterns of identity mobilization. On one side, Hezbollah's operatives are bound to a powerful top-down organization with an agenda underpinned by geo-strategic calculations and identity politics; for this group, "assabiya" has proven to be paramount. On the other side, the involvement of Sunnis takes place on an individual basis within networks of jihadists built almost exclusively on the activation of religious identities and enmities; for these mostly atomized actors, social anomy has been found essential. Interestingly, the research has shown that both these obviously opposite social experiences (excess and lack of belonging) converge in making identity so prone to activation that individuals opt for a path leading to a likely if not a certain death in a cross-border conflict that is not theirs at first sight. Our research ambitions to understand these dynamics while relating them to broader factors and notably: the failure of the Lebanese state and society to build a cohesive national project, and the power games of regional and international actors. Both these factors have led to excessive polarization and ensuing narratives of victimization, hence sustaining the cultivation of transnational primary identities at the expenses of national belonging.

The aim of this paper is to illustrate the nature and main characteristics of the current threat of terrorism in Europe and its impact and influence on particular EU member states, the EU institutional and legislative mechanism and its basic values. In this regard, focus is placed on the threats originating from the so-callled "Islamic State", foreign terrorist fighters and radicalized individuals, in the context of the Syrian conflict and refugee/migration crisis. The impact of threats on particular member states is presented through a comparative overview of Belgium, France and Germany in the face of recent counterterrorism efforts. The response at EU level, is presented through new initiatives regarding coordination, cooperation and information sharing among the European member states. The threat of Terrorism also has an influence on basic EU values, bringing about different attitudes to migration and Islam, whilst demonstrating the importance of inter-religious and inter-cultural relations in Europe.