Suchergebnisse

For 50 years, Palestinians have been vulnerable to various human rights violations, & their marginalization is viewed as a failure of the international community; here, the development & persistence of this circumstance is addressed. An interdisciplinary approach is taken to explore the historical & legal origins of the international refugee protection gap. Its impact on Palestinian refugees is traced to the 1922 British Mandate following WWI & the incorporation of the Balfour Declaration. The UN's involvement in the Palestinian case is described, highlighting the efforts of the United Nations Relief & Works Agency. Policy & institutional reforms required to redress the Palestinian case are considered, & particularly whether the UNHCR ought to get involved in the crisis & how such involvement might manifest. 2 Appendixes. J. Zendejas

Traces the evolution of Palestinian thought on the question of statehood, drawing on a review of major post-WWII statements divided into three phases: (1) 1946-1968, in which Palestinians thought of the establishment of Israel as a gross miscarriage of justice; (2) 1969-1973, in which they began to come to grips with the reality that had emerged in Palestine; & (3) 1974-present in which Palestinian leaders have developed a consensus in favor of a settlement based on partition & a two-state solution. It is observed that, as Palestinians reached this consensus, Israel moved in the opposite direction toward the annexation of Palestinian territory. However, it is concluded that recent developments in Israel make it likely that the two-state solution will become the consensus for both parties, & so form the basis for an agreement that brings peace to this region. D. M. Smith

Considers prospects for the construction of a Palestinian state alongside Israel, drawing on secondary survey data, 1986-1993. Early approaches to the conflict between the state of Israel & the Palestinians were figured in terms of relations between Israel & other Arab states. Viewing Palestinians in terms of the whole Arab nation negated the need for Palestinian self-determination, at least beyond existing Arab states. Understood in these terms, the moral dimension of the conflict with the Palestinians has been erased from Israeli political discourse in favor of the language of realpolitik that occurs between formal nation-states. Despite this dominant tendency, it is suggested that changes in the attitudes of Israeli citizens are taking place, in part as a consequence of the intifada. Whatever their source, these attitudinal changes are taken to represent the possibility for real dialogue over the issues of Palestinian sovereignty. 3 Figures. D. M. Smith

The international media's use of news frames in its coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is investigated to determine whether international journalists actually provide real, representative, & effective news coverage. The question concerning whether the international media's delineation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a struggle in which neither side can win actually constitutes faithful, unbiased reporting is addressed. The international media's coverage of two incidents between Sept & Oct 2000 in which a Palestinian boy died in his father's arms during an exchange between Israeli & Palestinian forces & two Israeli soldiers were executed by Palestinian fighters is subsequently analyzed to determine why the first incident received greater coverage than the second in the international press & TV. Several reasons for this discrepancy in the coverage of both events are offered, eg, the international community is more inclined to perceive Palestinians as victims. The study's implications for improving the international media's framing of news events are also pondered. 28 References. J. W. Parker

The emergence of paramilitary organizations within Palestine after the Six Day War in June 1967 is studied to illustrate the extent of conflict between the groups. Also, the formation of similar organizations during the 1950s & 1960s is discussed. The paramilitary groups were far from united in their strategies for dealing with Israel; in fact, the rise of terrorist behavior in 1968 is attributed to internal conflict within the Palestinian Liberation Organization. The effects of increased terrorist behavior on the international arena during the late 1960s & early 1970s on the Palestinian movement are reviewed. An analysis of the terrorist activities of the Abu Nidal group demonstrates how conflicts between the Palestinian groups prompted some organizations to turn to other nations for support. It is concluded that the high degree of diversity among the paramilitary groups will probably lead to additional violence & problematize their participation in attempts to resolve the Israel-Palestine conflict. J. W. Parker

An evolutionary framework is argued to be the most appropriate approach to the study of deescalation of conflicts. This is especially true when conflicts are protracted or when environmental crises exist. Though political shocks are "necessary but not sufficient" for deescalation, certain political shocks have been shown to facilitate deescalation. These shocks include such major events as defeat in war, economic crises, loss of foreign aid, & withdrawal of societal support for existing policies. When an evolutionary framework is utilized to describe the Israeli-Palestinian case, it becomes evident that political shocks helped to bring about deescalation & the 1993 Oslo Accords. Palestinian shocks included Israel's invasion of Lebanon, the PLO rebellion, the Intifada (accompanied by changes in Soviet support), & the 1990-1993 financial crisis. Each of these shocks allowed Arafat to strengthen his power in the PLO. Israeli shocks, such as the Likud policy monopoly, changes in Israeli public opinion, & the end of the Likud monopoly, allowed Yitzhak Rabin to dramatically alter his policies & strategies. 2 Tables, 78 References. K. Larsen

Contemplates the notion of "refugee protection." Discussion opens with a consideration of the terms "refugee" & "protection," assessing connotations from a legal standpoint & acknowledging ambiguities in their definitions. Some attention is also given to the idea of "asylum" & "non-refoulement." Attention then turns to the protection responsibilities of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), offering suggestions with respect to refining its mandate, operating in an incremental national-regional-international fashion to promote protection, clarifying the content of protection as a humanitarian concept, & better integration of protection sensibilities into its program work. Principles from law & international politics must underpin the UNHCR's shift into the humanitarian arm of the UN. In reviewing key humanitarian crises during the 1990s, a call is made for a more proactive approach to refugee protection. J. Zendejas

Examines the role of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) regarding refugee protection on the occasion of the 50-year anniversary of its operational inception. Although many take the statist view to assert that the UNHCR is dependent on states, two examples are offered from the early Cold War period & the post-Cold War period to demonstrate the UNHCR's relative independence from states. Focus then turns to the UNHCR's role in the decline in international refugee protection. To arrest this decline, it is argued that the UNHCR must raise its protection profile, & some suggestions are offered on how the agency might accomplish this. It is contended that the UNHCR has a key role in convincing states that it is in their national interests to resolve refugee problems; the idea of human rights must be inserted into the contemporary refugee policy debate. J. Zendejas