Suchergebnisse

In the context of the celebrations of the bicentennial of independence in Latin America and the complex process of building republican legitimacy both yesterday and today, this research proposes to rethink the origins of Peruvian republicanism based on the diversity of interests of political actors in the pro-independence situation, especially between 1821-1822, taking as a source the political press. This research proposes the study of political discourses and its representations embodied in the press between the San Martín protectorate and the formation of the first Peruvian constituent congress in 1822. The objective is to document how these discursive representations were emerging in a context of plurality of political discourses in conflict motivated by the need to build a political legitimacy that would forge a new republican order. ; En el contexto de las celebraciones de los bicentenarios de las independencias en América Latina y el complejo proceso de construcción de la legitimidad republicana tanto ayer como hoy, está investigación propone repensar los orígenes del republicanismo peruano a partir de la diversidad de intereses de los actores políticos en la coyuntura independentista, especialmente entre 1821-1822, tomando como fuente la prensa política. Esta investigación plantea el estudio de los discursos políticos y sus representaciones plasmadas en la prensa entre el protectorado de San Martín y la formación del primer congreso constituyente peruano (1822). El objetivo es documentar como estas representaciones discursivas fueron emergiendo en un contexto de pluralidad de discursos políticos en conflicto motivados por la necesidad de construir una legitimidad política que permitiera forjar un nuevo orden republicano.

La distinción entre el lenguaje del humanismo cívico y el republicanismo resulta una aclaración conceptual adecuada para comprender las acciones de Robespierre ante la apertura de una nueva concepción de la política. En el humanismo cívico es posible encontrar elementos que responden a los presupuestos del comunitarismo, en tanto problemas que se circunscriben a una región limitada, y el republicanismo responde a exigencias que son susceptibles de universalidad. Ahora bien, esta distinción no es clara, ya que, durante la Revolución francesa, en especial en el caso de Robespierre, encontramos una mezcla entre la exigencia de la virtud cívica clásica con la búsqueda de un fundamento de legitimidad política con un enfoque social. Así, la anomalía ideológica de Robespierre solo puede esclarecerse a través de la comprensión de las peculiaridades del lenguaje de la virtud y el universalismo moral. ; The distinction between the language of civic humanism and republicanism is an appropriate conceptual clarification to understand the political actions of Robespierre in the light of a new conception of politics. In civic humanism it is possible to find elements related to the assumptions of communitarianism, inasmuch as they are problems inscribed in a limited region, and republicanism responds to demands that are liable to universality. However, this distinction is not all too clear, since, during the French Revolution, particularly regarding Robespierre, there is a mix between the demand of classic civic virtue and the search of political legitimacy with a social point of view. Therefore, the ideological strangeness of Robespierre can only be clear through the understanding of the peculiarities of the language of virtue and moral universalism.

In political theory, the contribution of Bakunin consists in a self governmental position which defends the autonomy of individuals and small groups to determine its collectives aims and to federate each other. Such vision is justified by means of a philosophical objectivist materialism whose conception rests in a natural libertarian human instinct. However, and in a surprising way, regarding political struggle Bakunin places himself in opposition to his own premise, conceiving an elitist and self-designated "revolutionary senior leadership", which moves in a top-down approach and rejects accountability. In this way, and because of his intuitionist foundations, Bakunin fails to resolve the tension between self-government and hierarchy. Indeed, that philosophical point of view makes him think that he is in possession of the truth about human nature and, above all, it makes him blind about the only possible solution: the mediation of popular and democratic republicanism. ; La contribución bakuniniana en teoría política remite a una postura autogubernativa centrada en la autonomía de los individuos y las agrupaciones pequeñas para definir sus fines colectivos y para articularse federativamente, postura justificada en lo filosófico a partir de un materialismo objetivista que concibe un instinto libertario natural en el ser humano. De manera sorprendente, sin embargo, a la hora de la praxis Bakunin se sitúa en las antípodas de su propio presupuesto, abrazando un elitismo condensado en una "plana mayor revolucionaria" que se designa a sí misma, actúa desde arriba y no rinde cuentas. Así, Bakunin fracasa en resolver la antinomia entre autogobierno y jerarquía debido a sus fundamentos filosóficos intuicionistas, que lo llevan a sentirse en posesión de la verdad acerca de la naturaleza humana y lo enceguecen respecto de la única mediación posible: la que ofrece la tradición del republicanismo popular y democrático.

An unknown figure in the history of the second half of the 18th century, Etienne Clavière (1735-1793) nonetheless occupies a major place in the political and legal circulation of the republican ideal. Indeed, from Geneva to France, via Ireland and the United States, its intellectual and political trajectory wonderfully symbolizes the intensity of the European circulation of republican ideas, and its transatlantic dimension in the second half of the 18th century. Leader of the Republican Party in Geneva before becoming nearly thirty years later the first Finance Minister of the Republic in France, Clavière has the intention to implement a cosmopolitan Republican ideal of freedom in several States. In order to achieve this, he developed over the course of his political career a constitutional doctrine with a universalist vocation against the conceptual weight of national legal and political traditions. From this perspective, his doctrine refers less to the form than to the nature of the republican regime. Already with a solid political experience during the French Revolution, Clavière's cosmopolitan Republican vision acts like a bridge between the political culture of the Late Enlightenment and the radicalization of the republican rhetoric in France in 1792. English title: Etienne Clavière and the affirmation of a cosmopolitan republicanism in the second half of the 18th century Keywords:Etienne Clavière, Republicanism, Cosmopolitan ideals, Legal History, History of Political Ideas

The two categories of political religion and civil (also civic) religion, and the ways a nation can nurture the latter, have been the concern of a number of philosophers since long time ago. Relevant to this is the ideals of democracy, the separation of religion and politics and the necessity of having a secular legal covenant, which represents the political philosophy of a modern republic. Theorists of civil religion, particularly Jean-Jacques Rousseau, were concerned with the role of established religions, in modern political systems and that is why they put forward different, and at times even contrasting, theories about the compatibility of Christianity as well as the objectives of modern politics, at the center of which is the ideal of citizenship. The present paper will focus on the post-revolutionary constitution as well as the legal status of republicanism to investigate the possibilities, if any, of finding a solution to the long-lasting problematic of Islam and democracy in Iran. My hypothesis is that the current constitution is incapable of allowing for democracy, and due to its monistic nature, hinders reconciliation between Islam and democracy. Iran needs a better legal covenant, one in which the legacy of republicanism, as well as religious pluralism, is respected and endorsed.

Judith Shklar's liberalism of fear is distinct from other liberalisms; it gains its unique imprint and quality through a long and consistent engagement with, and critical discussion of, republicanism. Her account of the contemporary relevance of notions of virtues and vices, justice and injustice, the questions of rights, representation, citizenship and democracy all point to older republican influences. However, Shklar also knew that unreconstructed republicanism and republican ideas of the virtuous life were no longer applicable to modern societal and political conditions. This becomes especially clear in her discussion of Rousseau and in her study Ordinary Vices. The irreducibly pluralist and individualist nature of modern democracy have made it inconceivable that we would all agree on what the virtuous life consists in. Shklar's emphasis on positive liberty, critically directed against Isaiah Berlin's argument that negative rights and negative liberty are at the heart of modern liberalism; her insistence on the need for a common spirit as distilled in her study of Montesquieu; the need for equality in terms of voting and earning as stressed in American Citizenship; and finally her discussion of the changing nature of both loyalty and political obligation in her last Harvard lectures, are all indicative of the republican elements that can be detected in her barebones liberalism.

extrait : 'le 10 août 1792, l'Assemblée législative, en établissant le suffrage universel, fit de la France un État démocratique, et, le 22 septembre suivant, en établissant la république, la Convention nationale donna à cette démocratie la forme de gouvernement qui semblait lui convenir logiquement...'