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The article addresses an important and complex problem concerning the analysis of the implications of shaping a new international order for Germany's policy towards Russia. It consists of three parts: General tendencies of German research on changes in the international order, The essence of the new German policy strategy vis-à-vis Russia, Challenges for the implementation of Germany's policy towards Russia. As the leading EU country with extensive global interests, Germany – being the fourth global economy – in the 21st century benefited largely from the achievements of globalization and the international neoliberal order with the dominant role of the United States. In this context, cooperation with Russia as a strategic partner was of key importance to Germany. It was curtailed after Russia's transition to a policy of explicit aggression against Ukraine in 2014 (annexation of Crimea and support for separatists in Donbas), thus undermining the existing international order. As a consequence of imposing sanctions on Russia – by the USA, NATO countries and the EU – the Kremlin's leadership team headed by W. Putin made a shift towards deepening cooperation with China, aiming at weakening US influence and building a competitive multilateral order. Tensions and difficulties in transatlantic relations against the background of "America first" policy of the new US president D. Trump from the beginning of 2017 prompted Germany to maintain relations with Russia and China in a bilateral and multilateral dimension. ; Artykuł podejmuje ważny oraz złożony problem, związany z analizą wpływu kształtowania nowego porządku międzynarodowego dla polityki Niemiec wobec Rosji. Składa się on z trzech części: 1) ogólne tendencje niemieckich badań nad przemianami porządku międzynarodowego; 2) istota nowej strategii polityki Niemiec wobec Rosji; 3) wyzwania realizacji polityki Niemiec wobec Rosji. Jako czołowe państwo UE o rozbudowanych interesach globalnych Niemcy będące czwartą gospodarką światową korzystały w XXI w. w dużym stopniu ze zdobyczy globalizacji oraz dominującego w skali całego świata – międzynarodowego porządku neoliberalnego. W tym kontekście pierwszoplanowe znaczenie dla Niemiec miała współpraca z Rosją jako partnerem strategicznym. Uległa ona ograniczeniu po przejściu Rosji do polityki jawnej agresji przeciw Ukrainie w 2014 r. (aneksja Krymu oraz wsparcia dla Separatystów w Donbasie), podważając tym samym istniejący porządek międzynarodowy. W konsekwencji nałożenia na Rosję sankcji – przez USA, kraje NATO i UE – ekipa rządząca na Kremlu na czele z W. Putinem dokonała zwrotu w kierunku pogłębienia współpracy z Chinami, zmierzając zarazem do osłabienia wpływów USA i budowy konkurencyjnego porządku multilateralnego. Napięcia i trudności w relacjach transatlantyckich na tle polityki "America first" nowego prezydenta USA D. Trumpa od początku 2017 skłoniła Niemcy do podtrzymania relacji z Rosją oraz Chinami w wymiarze bilateralnym i wielostronnym.

The aim of this article is to analyse the international legal and political process of reconciliation between Serbia and Kosovo in terms of its impact on the scope of development directions and strategies of the European Union countries as well as Russia and the USA. Particular emphasis was placed on the treatment of these issues in the light of the activities of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and Specialist Prosecutor's Office. The main theses assumed for the purposes of this article are as follows: firstly, that the policy of reconciliation between Serbia and Kosovo is multidimensional, including the necessity of the process of international criminal liability for the crimes committed by both states, while at the same time influencing the dilemmas of the development directions of individual European countries, but also of the European Union and the United States. In addition, the legal and political stabilization of the Balkan region, especially in the context of relations between Kosovo and Serbia, and the possibility of cooperation with these states as part of intergovernmental international organizations, is strategically extremely important for the EU, the USA, as well as for Russia. The Author critically analyses issues using polemics with the standpoint presented in the doctrine of the subject as well as interpreting selected instruments of international law and Kosovo's national law. The deliberations resulted in conclusions as to the determinants in terms of the directions of the legal and political development of the EU and Russia resulting from the complicated process of reconciliation and mutual settlement of sins by Serbia and Kosovo.

Demonstracje i zbrojny opór : tłumaczenie z żydowskiego z "Arbeiterstimme" Nr. 27 -- Jak powinny być zorganizowane nasze demonstracje : tłumaczenie z żyd. z Nr. 29 "Arbeiterstimme" -- Jak mamy świętować dzień pierwszego maja ; z 30 Nr. Arbeiterstimme

Diplomacy is one of the ways of carrying out foreign policy. It is implemented during negotiations of a given country's envoys with representatives of other countries. The manner of receiving envoys (foreign diplomats) and proceeding with negotiations is specified by diplomatic etiquette. The article describes how those relationships were effectuated in the second half of the 17th century between Poland and Russia. Diplomatic missions are described from the moment of receiving indispensable documents and plenipotentiary powers, through traveling to Moscow under supervision of the pristavs (Russian pristavy), to the conclusion of mission. The description of envoys' stay in Moscow includes details of accommodation, organizing audiences, feasts, entering into treaties, adherence to rules of appropriate behaviour in the tsar's presence and keeping proper forms of address. Also, a peculiar way of carrying out lengthy negotiations by king and country's envoys and commissaries is presented.

The paper synthetically presents new trends and selected issues concerning Germany's stance vis-à-vis Russia in the second decade of the 21st century. It concentrates on an analysis of the following substantive issues:– draft of the essence of domestic political shifts in Germany and Russia in international context;– presentation of general assumptions featuring the new strategy in German policy vis-à-vis Russia;– showing principal challenges as well as selected problems of German cooperation with Russia in the period 2014-17;– underscoring new tendencies in Russia's impingement on Germany together with German judgments as to Russia's international role in the era of the Ukrainian crisis in light of opinion polls.Over the years 2003-17, as a result of internal changes in Germany, a multi-party system took on a shape that made it harder to create a coalition and a new government after the parliamentary election of September 24, 2017. In Russia, in turn, the authoritarian government system with president Vladimir Putin at the helm strengthened. President Putin, through the annexation of Crimea and support for separatists in Donbas, begot to the persistent destabilization of Ukraine. The above mentioned developments were accompanied by a transition from the post-Cold War, unipolar international system, with the United States on top, towards a multipolar international system with the rising significance of China and Russia. Russia transformed into a geopolitical "competitor" of its strategic partner, Germany. On the other hand, Germany – as a leading EU and NATO state – together with France attempted to solve the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. It managed merely to achieve a partial armistice in Donbas within the framework of the OSCE mission (the Second Minsk Agreement from February 12, 2015). Due to the strong political and economic ties, Germany solely and temporarily suspended some forms of contact and cooperation with Russia and decided to reintroduce them in 2015. Germany engaged in hammering Western sanctions against Russia and their implementation during 2014-18. It concurrently supported Ukraine in its endeavors to achieve association with the EU in 2016. Simultaneously, Russia took advantage of its trump cards in the form of its presence in Germany ("Russian Germans", media: Sputnik and RT as well as sympathy in some political and social circles) to prop up anti-Western and populist tendencies in this country. ; The paper synthetically presents new trends and selected issues concerning Germany's stance vis-à-vis Russia in the second decade of the 21st century. It concentrates on an analysis of the following substantive issues:– draft of the essence of domestic political shifts in Germany and Russia in international context;– presentation of general assumptions featuring the new strategy in German policy vis-à-vis Russia;– showing principal challenges as well as selected problems of German cooperation with Russia in the period 2014-17;– underscoring new tendencies in Russia's impingement on Germany together with German judgments as to Russia's international role in the era of the Ukrainian crisis in light of opinion polls.Over the years 2003-17, as a result of internal changes in Germany, a multi-party system took on a shape that made it harder to create a coalition and a new government after the parliamentary election of September 24, 2017. In Russia, in turn, the authoritarian government system with president Vladimir Putin at the helm strengthened. President Putin, through the annexation of Crimea and support for separatists in Donbas, begot to the persistent destabilization of Ukraine. The above mentioned developments were accompanied by a transition from the post-Cold War, unipolar international system, with the United States on top, towards a multipolar international system with the rising significance of China and Russia. Russia transformed into a geopolitical "competitor" of its strategic partner, Germany. On the other hand, Germany – as a leading EU and NATO state – together with France attempted to solve the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. It managed merely to achieve a partial armistice in Donbas within the framework of the OSCE mission (the Second Minsk Agreement from February 12, 2015). Due to the strong political and economic ties, Germany solely and temporarily suspended some forms of contact and cooperation with Russia and decided to reintroduce them in 2015. Germany engaged in hammering Western sanctions against Russia and their implementation during 2014-18. It concurrently supported Ukraine in its endeavors to achieve association with the EU in 2016. Simultaneously, Russia took advantage of its trump cards in the form of its presence in Germany ("Russian Germans", media: Sputnik and RT as well as sympathy in some political and social circles) to prop up anti-Western and populist tendencies in this country.