Election law is the main element of the constitutional democracy. In democratic society the Nation, as the holder of suverenity, grants power to the authority institutions. Fundamental rules must be implemented during the formation of political representative bodies. Fundamental principles are: universal election, equal election, free election, secret suffrage and direct suffrage. These principles consists of narrower regulations, which are important for the nature of the main principle. Electors' rights and duties originate from principles of the election law. Main principles of the election law are sometimes called Europe's electoral or constitutional law heritage. These principles are the main rules for organizing and administrating the process of election. Constitutional democracy requires that national authoritues should povide effective legal basis to implement and safeguard these rules. These principles are regulated in the Constitution of Lithuania and election statutes. Well-established safeguard apparatus can not be created, since statutes are often changed. This research is focused on the content of principles of the election: it discloses and gives broader understanding of the compaund elements of the principles; the research focuses on the problems deriving from the implementation and safeguard of the main principles.
Election law is the main element of the constitutional democracy. In democratic society the Nation, as the holder of suverenity, grants power to the authority institutions. Fundamental rules must be implemented during the formation of political representative bodies. Fundamental principles are: universal election, equal election, free election, secret suffrage and direct suffrage. These principles consists of narrower regulations, which are important for the nature of the main principle. Electors' rights and duties originate from principles of the election law. Main principles of the election law are sometimes called Europe's electoral or constitutional law heritage. These principles are the main rules for organizing and administrating the process of election. Constitutional democracy requires that national authoritues should povide effective legal basis to implement and safeguard these rules. These principles are regulated in the Constitution of Lithuania and election statutes. Well-established safeguard apparatus can not be created, since statutes are often changed. This research is focused on the content of principles of the election: it discloses and gives broader understanding of the compaund elements of the principles; the research focuses on the problems deriving from the implementation and safeguard of the main principles.
The ame of this article -nvestigate the nature and results of electoral politics in Serbia during the period of the beginning of violent dissolution of ex-Yugoslavia and the first multiparty elections in 1990. Two levels of elections are taken into consideration: presidential and parliamentary. Oppositely to other Central and East European states, Serbia in the beginning of 1990s has not been involved into the process of political transformation from totalitarian one-party elections controlled system into democratic multi-party free elections model. "Transition without transition" was a formula implied by the ruling party to political life of Serbia during the process of Yugoslavia's dissolution. Political life has seen the adoption of some of the formal attributes of democracy, but without the stable institutional support to that system. The ruling Socialist Party of Serbia imposed its own rules and control over presidential and parliamentary elections in order to discredit the democratic values. As a result, authoritarian political system was thriven to serve the interests of the former ruling nomenclature rather than represent the majority of Serbia's citizens.
The ame of this article -nvestigate the nature and results of electoral politics in Serbia during the period of the beginning of violent dissolution of ex-Yugoslavia and the first multiparty elections in 1990. Two levels of elections are taken into consideration: presidential and parliamentary. Oppositely to other Central and East European states, Serbia in the beginning of 1990s has not been involved into the process of political transformation from totalitarian one-party elections controlled system into democratic multi-party free elections model. "Transition without transition" was a formula implied by the ruling party to political life of Serbia during the process of Yugoslavia's dissolution. Political life has seen the adoption of some of the formal attributes of democracy, but without the stable institutional support to that system. The ruling Socialist Party of Serbia imposed its own rules and control over presidential and parliamentary elections in order to discredit the democratic values. As a result, authoritarian political system was thriven to serve the interests of the former ruling nomenclature rather than represent the majority of Serbia's citizens.
The ame of this article -nvestigate the nature and results of electoral politics in Serbia during the period of the beginning of violent dissolution of ex-Yugoslavia and the first multiparty elections in 1990. Two levels of elections are taken into consideration: presidential and parliamentary. Oppositely to other Central and East European states, Serbia in the beginning of 1990s has not been involved into the process of political transformation from totalitarian one-party elections controlled system into democratic multi-party free elections model. "Transition without transition" was a formula implied by the ruling party to political life of Serbia during the process of Yugoslavia's dissolution. Political life has seen the adoption of some of the formal attributes of democracy, but without the stable institutional support to that system. The ruling Socialist Party of Serbia imposed its own rules and control over presidential and parliamentary elections in order to discredit the democratic values. As a result, authoritarian political system was thriven to serve the interests of the former ruling nomenclature rather than represent the majority of Serbia's citizens.
The final goal of diploma paper is to assess the influence of political marketing costs on election results. To achieve the objective, the policy and political marketing concept is analyzed in a theoretical part of the paper, together with interpretation of political marketing model as well as the analysis of the political party campaign finance laws and political advertising. Final analytical part provides an analysis of the Municipal Council election results of the Republic of Lithuania. Using the calculated costs of the income and expenditure of the Lithuanian Social Democrats, the Homeland Union - Lithuanian Christian Democrats and the Labor party's political campaign of the mandate of the city of Vilnius and Kaunas elective districts, and Lithuania. In a designed part of the paper , solutions are formulated how to attract voters and how to get the greatest number of mandates : 1. A separate segment of the future and current university students (undergraduate students) should be distinguished; 2. LSDP when positioning must rely on their many years of experience and knowledge. 3. HU-LSC has to reduce its negative image and position itself as a positive development and change aiming party; 4. LP may be positioning itself as the leading party which helps a middle class people to seek an education.
The final goal of diploma paper is to assess the influence of political marketing costs on election results. To achieve the objective, the policy and political marketing concept is analyzed in a theoretical part of the paper, together with interpretation of political marketing model as well as the analysis of the political party campaign finance laws and political advertising. Final analytical part provides an analysis of the Municipal Council election results of the Republic of Lithuania. Using the calculated costs of the income and expenditure of the Lithuanian Social Democrats, the Homeland Union - Lithuanian Christian Democrats and the Labor party's political campaign of the mandate of the city of Vilnius and Kaunas elective districts, and Lithuania. In a designed part of the paper , solutions are formulated how to attract voters and how to get the greatest number of mandates : 1. A separate segment of the future and current university students (undergraduate students) should be distinguished; 2. LSDP when positioning must rely on their many years of experience and knowledge. 3. HU-LSC has to reduce its negative image and position itself as a positive development and change aiming party; 4. LP may be positioning itself as the leading party which helps a middle class people to seek an education.
The final goal of diploma paper is to assess the influence of political marketing costs on election results. To achieve the objective, the policy and political marketing concept is analyzed in a theoretical part of the paper, together with interpretation of political marketing model as well as the analysis of the political party campaign finance laws and political advertising. Final analytical part provides an analysis of the Municipal Council election results of the Republic of Lithuania. Using the calculated costs of the income and expenditure of the Lithuanian Social Democrats, the Homeland Union - Lithuanian Christian Democrats and the Labor party's political campaign of the mandate of the city of Vilnius and Kaunas elective districts, and Lithuania. In a designed part of the paper , solutions are formulated how to attract voters and how to get the greatest number of mandates : 1. A separate segment of the future and current university students (undergraduate students) should be distinguished; 2. LSDP when positioning must rely on their many years of experience and knowledge. 3. HU-LSC has to reduce its negative image and position itself as a positive development and change aiming party; 4. LP may be positioning itself as the leading party which helps a middle class people to seek an education.
The article deals with voter bribery cases in terms of electoral law. A particular focus of research is drawn on the factual situation of this phenomenon of political corruption in Lithuania, the state of legal regulation and problems of its practical application, challenges being faced by institutions and society when seeking for transparent and democratic elections and appropriately legitimate formation of political representative institutions or an outcome of question solved by a referendum. The author is analysing whether currently invoked control, reaction and anticorruption measures are suffcient and contribute towards efective implementation of provisions of electoral (referendum) laws foreseeing prohibition to bribe voters and persons eligible to vote. The samples of voter bribery cases are presented in order to illustrate how differently content of prohibition to bribe voters and persons eligible to vote is perceived by subjects to whom it is addressed and main institution, i. e. the Central Electoral Commission, which conducts control of its observation. As well it is analysed why in Lithuania this illegal form of electoral agitation is still popular, despite sanctions being applied and certain preventive activity being carried out. Prohibition to bribe voters and persons eligible to vote to Lithuanian electoral laws was introduced in 2005, but such practice is still popular among participants of political campaigns and persons related to them, while "electoral agitation" of such kind itself takes on new and more sophisticated forms, which are "resistant" for relevant identification and qualification. There are several factors influencing this. Firstly, preventive mechanisms do not work properly or are applied too moderately. Secondly, legal regulation in this field is partly inconsistent or ambiguous, therefore some of violations are programmed automatically. In this respect the situation should change after adoption of Elections Code. Thirdly, the Central Electoral Commission does not possess enough control measures and its pratice not in all cases is consistent or reasonable. Fourthly, sanctions foreseen in electoral laws for violations of prohibition to bribe voters and persons eligible to vote not in all cases are applied properly. However, principled position of the Constitutional Court, increasing civil society involvement in democratic process and stricter attitude of the Central Electoral Commission during political campaigns presupposes that recently more and more investigations concerning potential bribery of voters and persons eligible to vote are being carried out. Although the number of violations detected is relatively constant, the situation is improving and more frequently violations are of a nature which does not require to apply ultima ratio sanction of elimination, which could be questioned in the light of legal-democratic efficiency
The article deals with voter bribery cases in terms of electoral law. A particular focus of research is drawn on the factual situation of this phenomenon of political corruption in Lithuania, the state of legal regulation and problems of its practical application, challenges being faced by institutions and society when seeking for transparent and democratic elections and appropriately legitimate formation of political representative institutions or an outcome of question solved by a referendum. The author is analysing whether currently invoked control, reaction and anticorruption measures are suffcient and contribute towards efective implementation of provisions of electoral (referendum) laws foreseeing prohibition to bribe voters and persons eligible to vote. The samples of voter bribery cases are presented in order to illustrate how differently content of prohibition to bribe voters and persons eligible to vote is perceived by subjects to whom it is addressed and main institution, i. e. the Central Electoral Commission, which conducts control of its observation. As well it is analysed why in Lithuania this illegal form of electoral agitation is still popular, despite sanctions being applied and certain preventive activity being carried out. Prohibition to bribe voters and persons eligible to vote to Lithuanian electoral laws was introduced in 2005, but such practice is still popular among participants of political campaigns and persons related to them, while "electoral agitation" of such kind itself takes on new and more sophisticated forms, which are "resistant" for relevant identification and qualification. There are several factors influencing this. Firstly, preventive mechanisms do not work properly or are applied too moderately. Secondly, legal regulation in this field is partly inconsistent or ambiguous, therefore some of violations are programmed automatically. In this respect the situation should change after adoption of Elections Code. Thirdly, the Central Electoral Commission does not possess enough control measures and its pratice not in all cases is consistent or reasonable. Fourthly, sanctions foreseen in electoral laws for violations of prohibition to bribe voters and persons eligible to vote not in all cases are applied properly. However, principled position of the Constitutional Court, increasing civil society involvement in democratic process and stricter attitude of the Central Electoral Commission during political campaigns presupposes that recently more and more investigations concerning potential bribery of voters and persons eligible to vote are being carried out. Although the number of violations detected is relatively constant, the situation is improving and more frequently violations are of a nature which does not require to apply ultima ratio sanction of elimination, which could be questioned in the light of legal-democratic efficiency
The main goal of the thesis was to analize image as a powerful tool in successful elections. Importance of political image, its creation stages was analyzed in this thesis. According to the Public split theory, assumptions were made that after media had changed technologically, the public split, its consumptional habits changed, turning back from mass to individual. The hypothesis of this thesis was that changing of media made impact to split political image. The tasks for reaching this purpose was: to analyze importance of image in the elections; to analyze the importance of media in political communication; to research causes of the audiences split and their influence to political communication. There were several methods used in the thesis: method of comparative analysis and theoretical literature contents; quality interviews of Public Relations experts, who participated in creating image of different politicians and shaped their electoral campaigns. To achieve the goal of this work and to verify the hypothesis, several tasks were formed: to study the image as the main tool of struggle in the political communication in Lithuania; to study means of image creation in the country; to evaluate the integrity and effectiveness of the political image; to study the importance of the image and creative process in practice. The research performed and theoretical material analyzed proved the importance of the political image, named the stages and means of its creation, pointed the patterns of the most effective and integral image in the political communication. But the thesis denies the hypothesis raised in the work and names other reasons that shatter the politician's image, also names the most effective and integral examples in political communication in Lithuania. This thesis could be useful for politics' journalists. As well for the students of communication, public relations, politics and those, who are interested in the tools of the election's battles.
