Suchergebnisse

Discusses resignation of President Shevardnadze following "revolution of the roses" in Nov. 2003, political prospects of opposition party leader and reformer Mikhail Saakashvili, and US assistance to the new government.

Interview with President Mikhail Saakashvili on Georgia's economic difficulties since its independence in 1991, the country's unity threatened by secessionist regions of Abkhazia and Southern Ossetia, and geopolitical implications of its strategic location at the crossroads of the Russian, Turkish, and Iranian worlds and on the route of oil pipes running from the Caspian Sea. Summaries in English and Spanish p. 471 and 485.

Der Beitrag untersucht den Zusammenhang zwischen Korruption und einer vermeintlich schwachen Staatsmacht in Georgien. Dabei wird entgegen der Annahme von der Machtlosigkeit georgischer Politiker mit Führungskompetenzen die Hypothese erörtert, wonach die staatliche Führung die Korruption aufgrund spezifischer Gründe bzw. Zwecke institutionalisiert. Somit präsentiert sich Korruption im Bereich der Staatsführung als eine wunschgemäße Strategie, welche in einigen Situationen den Einfluss des Staates eher ausweitet und nicht unterminiert. Die Erklärung dieser Position umfasst folgende Aspekte: (1) die Gesellschaftsordnung Georgiens, (2) die Arrangement-Strategien mit der Korruption, (3) die Durchsetzung korrupten Verhaltens sowie (4) die Verhinderung des Aufkommens von Vertrauen und Legitimität. Aufgrund der weiten Verbreitung korrupter Praktiken in Georgien, insbesondere durch das entsprechende Verhalten auf der politischen Machtebene, steht der neue Präsident Saakashvili mit der Schaffung eines normativen Fundaments, der Bildung von Vertrauen in die staatlichen Institutionen und der Ausweitung von Integrität in der Verwaltung vor einer großen Aufgabe, die wohl als langfristiges Ziel formuliert werden muss. (ICG2)

The political and economic challenges facing the nation of Georgia, as well as its relationships with the US and Russia, are detailed. Attempts by Georgia's government to cultivate close relations with both the US and Russia are discussed. However, it is noted that Georgia's leaders have displeased Russia and the US. It is argued that Georgia has displeased the US by attacking rebels in the Georgian region of South Ossetia, thereby destabilizing the southern Caucasus region and an important oil pipeline. Meanwhile, Georgia has failed to resolve several issues affecting its relationship with Russia, including the problem of international terrorists using Georgia as a safe haven and the future of Russian military bases in Georgia. Attempts by Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili to create and solve crises in South Ossetia and the republic of Adjaria are described as unhelpful for Georgia. Saakashvili's actions towards Adjaria and South Ossetia are portrayed as threatening to US and Russian interests. It is suggested that Russia should seek to defuse the conflicts. Georgia's economy is described as deteriorating and in need of additional Russian investment.

The reign of strongman presidents and the routine use of electoral fraud and manipulation have produced widespread apathy, resignation, and cynicism about the prospects for democracy in the Caucasus. In the fall of 2003, these trends dominated the presidential elections in Armenia and Azerbaijan, as well as the parliamentary elections in Georgia. But shortly after the elections, a brief and nonviolent series of mass protests in Tbilisi—the so-called Revolution of the Roses—forced Georgian president Eduard Shevardnadze and his Citizens' Union of Georgia (CUG) to resign, and paved the way for democratic reform under Mikhail Saakashvili of the New National Movement. The inspiring events in Georgia hold a number of lessons for students of democratization and prodemocracy activists alike, and should make us reconsider the methods by which fragile openings to democracy may be sustained and widened.

Between Nov 2003 & Jun 2004, Georgia experienced several dramatic political events. President Eduard Shevardnadze was ousted in a peaceful revolt that was subsequently dubbed the 'Rose Revolution.' He was replaced by a trio of young politicians with the charismatic 35-year-old Mikheil Saakashvili at the helm. The article argues that the actual change was less deep than it was presented in the international media, & that it primarily constituted a youth rebellion within the ethnically Georgian elite in the country's capital, Tbilisi. The new generation of leaders faces a range of pressing problems, in particular corruption & the disintegration of the Georgian state. Several high-profile arrests have been carried out & the renegade republic Adjara was brought back into the fold when Tbilisi won a standoff with its corrupt leader, Asian Abashidze. Problems such as the separatist movement in Abkhazia will, however, be far more difficult to solve. There is a danger that Saakashvili's regime will proceed too fast, be sidetracked by vendettas against old enemies or fail to consolidate democracy. At the moment, however, this is one of the most promising governments in the former Soviet Union. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.