Suchergebnisse

Sigurnost je temeljni preduvjet opstanka, djelovanja i razvoja čovjeka, države i društva. Suvremene studije sigurnosti uključuju vojno, političko, socijetalno, gospodarsko i ekološko područje. Unatoč bitnom proširenju i produbljenju interesa, sigurnosne studije u područje interesa nisu uključile socijalnu sigurnost. U radu se propituju razlozi za teorijsko (ne)uključenje socijalne sigurnosti u suvremene sigurnosne studije. Analiza empirijskog činjeničnog obilja upućuje na zaključak o potrebi preispitivanja takvog stajališta. Socijalna sigurnost jest »sigurnosno područje«. Teorijski, analitički i empirijski u radu se dokazuje da socijalna sigurnost i njezini akteri imaju sigurnosne dimenzije zbog čega socijalna sigurnost treba biti dio sigurnosnih studija. ; Security is a fundamental prerequisite for existence, functioning and development of the human, state and society. The contemporary security studies include political, military, societal, economic and environmental sectors. In spite of the substantial widening and deepening of the approaches to security, social security is not included into security studies. This article critically examines the issues and reasons for the lack of inclusion of social security in the contemporary security studies. The analysis of abundant empirical facts suggests the need to reassess this view. This article theoretically, analytically and empirically proves that social security and its actors have a security dimension. Social security should be incorporated into security studies.

Sintagma energetska sigurnost toliko je često korištena da se čini jasnom i razumljivom. To je samo privid, jer je njezina upotreba ustvari kontroverzna, često i preholistička, što upućuje na nedovoljnu razvijenost koncepta. Pod pojmom energetske sigurnosti raspravlja se o najrazličitijim pitanjima, koje na okupu drži pojam "energija" kao zajednički nazivnik. U ovome se radu polazi od toga da je aktualni rast važnosti koncepta posljedica nove uloge koju je plinska trgovina između EU-a i RF-a dobila nakon 2000., kao svojevrsna eksternalija njezina korištenja u politici moći, njezine politizacije i pokušaja sekuritizacije. Pokazat će se da je koncept uvriježen semantički konstrukt, no analitički prazan – pokriven je sektorom ekonomske, još više (vanjsko)političke sigurnosti. Razjašnjenje i redefiniranje koncepta energetske sigurnosti u aktualnom kontekstu pridonosi boljem teorijskom definiranju i dubljem razumijevanju empirijskih posljedica korištenja koncepta, koji već kao diskurzivna praksa određuje što se smatra problemom i može otežati ekonomsku suradnju. ; The term 'energy security' has been so ubiquitous that it seems transparent and understandable. But that is just an illusion – the usage of the term is controversial, often too holistic, indicating underdevelopment of the concept itself. Most diverse questions have been discussed under the term 'energy security' – they are, however, bound together only by the term 'energy' as their common denominator. In this paper, it is assumed that this concept is currently growing in importance as the consequence of a new role assigned to the gas trade between the EU and the Russian Federation since 2000, as an externality of the use of this trade in power politics, of its politicization and attempts at securitization. It will be shown that this concept is a semantically ingrained construct; as an analytical concept it is empty – its meaning is already contained in the economic security sector, and even more so in the (foreign) political security sector. Explication and redefinition of the concept of energy security in the current context contribute to the improvement of theoretical delineation and deeper understanding of empirical implications of its usage. As a discursive practice, the concept determines what is to be considered a problem, and it may cause difficulties in economic cooperation.

Članak donosi pregled ključnih pitanja vezanih za vanjsku politiku i teorije vanjske politike u širem kontekstu političke znanosti. Raspravljajući o izvorima i razvoju analize vanjske politike, kao i znanstvenim radovima na tu temu, autorica utvrđuje da analiza vanjske politike danas obuhvaća cijeli niz teorijskih pristupa i modela. Zajedničko im je razumijevanje da se ishodi vanjske politike ne mogu u potpunosti razumjeti ako se analiza ograniči na razinu cijelog sustava. Nadalje, rad konceptualizira vanjsku politiku kroz njezinu usporedbu s drugim tipovima policyja. Iako se u razdoblju Hladnoga rata vanjska politika poistovjećivala s vanjskom sigurnosnom politikom, autorica naglašava da je u današnjem globaliziranom svijetu sigurnosna politika tek jedna od njezinih dimenzija. Vanjska je politika proširila svoj opseg pa obuhvaća brojna druga pitanja, poput trgovine, ljudskih prava i okoliša. Sve veći broj unutarnjopolitičkih, međunarodnih i transnacionalnih pitanja, zainteresiranih aktera i doprinosa procesu stvaranja vanjske politike čini formulaciju i provedbu koherentne vanjske politike izazovnom zadaćom. ; This paper provides an overview of key issues related to foreign policy and foreign policy theories in the wider context of political science. Discussing the origins and development of foreign policy analysis (FPA), as well as scholarly work produced over time, it argues that today FPA encompasses a variety of theoretical approaches, models and tools. These share the understanding that foreign policy outputs cannot be fully explained if analysis is confined to the systemic level. Furthermore, this paper conceptualizes foreign policy by comparing it to other types of policy. Although during the Cold War period foreign policy was equated with foreign security policy, in today's world, security policy is only one dimension. Foreign policy's scope has expanded to cover other issues such as trade, human rights and the environment. The growing number of domestic, international and transnational issues, ...

The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established. ; The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established.

U radu se analizira nastanak i razvoj Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike EU i uloga ključnih zemalja (osovine Berlin-Pariz-London) u tom procesu. Cilj rada je detektirati unutarnje i vanjske prepreke i izazove na putu integracije ove politike s posebnim fokusom na Brexit i "nove" transatlantske odnose. U tom smislu nastoje se istražiti moguće refleksije izlaska Ujedinjenog kraljevstva Velike Britanije i Sjeverne Irske kao vojno najsnažnije europske zemlje iz Europske unije na budući razvoj i integraciju Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike EU i "novo" transatlantsko partnerstvo koje je počelo izborom Donalda Trumpa za predsjednika Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Autori smatraju da je zbog ova dva izazova buduća integracija Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike u limbu i da će francusko-njemačko partnerstvo i odnosi sa zemljama "nove Europe" biti od presudnog značaja u novom strateškom pozicioniranju ove politike i eliminiranju negativnih implikacija prethodno spomenutih izazova. ; This article analyses emergence and development of the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union and the role of key countries (Berlin-Paris-London axis) in that process. The aim of the paper is to detect the internal and external obstacles and challenges to the integration of this policy with specific focus on the Brexit and "new" transatlantic relations. In this regard, the authors aim to explore how withdrawal of the United Kingdom of the Great Britain and Northern Ireland, as Europe`s strongest military country, from the European Union will reflect on the future development and integration of the Common Security and Defence Policy of European Union and "new" transatlantic partnership that had begun by Donald Trump`s election for the president of the United States of America. Authors hold that these two challenges set the future integration of the Common Security and Defence Policy into the limbo and further consider that French-German partnership and relationships with the countries of the "New Europe" will be crucial to the new strategic positioning of this policy and in eliminating negative implications of the aforementioned challenges.

Europska unija se politizaciji svoje plinske trgovine s Ruskom Federacijom u 21. stoljeću prilagođava hibridnim modelom, koji je mješavina različitih mjera. Kako bi spriječila ili barem ublažila rusko korištenje te trgovine u realističkoj politici moći, odgovara mjerama koje se sve više udaljuju od ekonomske, osobito slobodnotržišne, i približavaju političkoj perspektivi, jer je unošenje političkog elementa u vanjskotrgovinski odnos tražilo netržišne odgovore. Na temelju analize odgovora Europske unije na prijetnju čije je ishodište u ruskoj politizaciji plinske trgovine moguće je pratiti postupnu transformaciju liberalno- ekonomskog identiteta Europske unije u sve više geopolitički u svijetu koji postaje sve realističniji kako u energetskim pitanjima konkretno tako i u međunarodnim poslovima općenito. Europska unija je u svoju energetsku politiku uvrstila koncepte solidarnosti i suvereniteta, a visoki predstavnik za zajedničku vanjsku i sigurnosnu politiku Europske unije traži od nje da "ponovno nauči jezik moći". ; In the 21st century the European Union is adapting to the politicization of its gas trade with the Russian Federation with a hybrid model: a mixture of different measures. In order to prevent, or at least to mitigate, Russian use of gas trade in a realistic power politics, the EU is responding with measures which are digressing from the economic perspective, especially free-market one, and getting closer to the political perspective. Non-market responses have become unavoidable primarily due to bringing the political element into a foreign trade relationship. Based on the analysis of the EU's responses to the threat, which has originated from the Russian politicization of gas trade, it is possible to follow the incremental transformation of the EU liberal-economic identity into an increasingly geopolitical one in a world that is becoming increasingly realistic, both in the energy field and in international affairs in general. The European Union has included concepts of solidarity and sovereignty in its energy policy, yet according to the EU High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the EU has to "learn to use the language of power again".

Ovaj diplomski rad pruža svojevrstan pregled razvoja sigurnosne i antiterorističke politike EU temeljene na idejama manjeg zla, ravnoteže i trgovanja između slobode i sigurnosti, uz analizu samih ideja. Analizirajući izvanrednost sigurnosne politike EU s jedne, te terorizma kao glavnog izazova sigurnosti EU (uz etničke sukobe) s druge strane, u radu se prikazuju određene proturječnosti sigurnosnih mjera EU utemeljenih na ideji ravnoteže sigurnosti i slobode. Proturječnosti su vidljive, ne toliko u smislu neprestanog pozivanja na nužnost i važnost očuvanja sigurnosti i slobode i paralelnom ograničavanju istih, koliko u smislu ograničavanja ili ukidanje ljudskih prava i sloboda kao načina podizanja općeg stanja sigurnosti bez pružanja konkretnih procjena o učinkovitosti istih, bez stvarnih jamstava ili dokaza o postizanja sigurnosnih uspjeha. Europska integracija počiva na vrijednostima mira, slobode, jednakosti i tolerancije od samih svojih početaka. U kompleksnosti odnosa europskih liberalnih vrijednosti i ciljeva s jedne, te sigurnosne nužnosti i opravdanja s druge strane, ovaj rad svoju tezu temelji na nekoliko primjera ograničavanja temeljnih ljudskih i građanskih sloboda. Građanska prava koja se obrađuju temelje se na Ugovoru iz Maastrichta, dok se ljudska prava temelje se na Europskoj konvenciji o ljudskim pravima. Kada se govori o postizanju, povećanju ili ugrozi sigurnosti, sigurnost se definira kao (I.) "Sigurnost kao stanje osjećaja zbrinutosti i smirenosti, slobode od straha ili tjeskobe" i (II) "Sigurnost kao poduzimanje mjera i postupaka s ciljem poboljšanja sigurnosti države ili organizacije". Europska sigurnost je shvaćena kao strategija vrlo bliska konceptu europskog identiteta tj. kao artikulacija zajedničkih europskih vrijednosti i interesa. ; This master's thesis provides an unique overview of the development of security and counter-terrorism policies of the EU based on the ideas of the lesser evil, balance and tradeoffs between freedom and security, along with an analysis of the ideas ...

Migracijski val od 2014. do 2016. u kojem je velik broj djece i majki iz država Sjevernog trokuta na putu prema krajnjem odredištu SAD-u bio u tranzitu Meksikom okarakteriziran je krizom. Kriza je podrazumijevala postojanje prijetnje koja opravdava provođenje izvanrednih mjera. Teza rada je da pod utjecajem SAD-a Meksiko migrante u tranzitu smatra prijetnjom sigurnosti građanima Meksika, a ne ugroženim pripadnicima istoga kulturnoga kruga koje treba zaštititi. Stoga se prema njima ne odnosi u skladu s ciljem ljudske sigurnosti, već primjenjuje silu. Rad predstavlja studiju slučaja. U prvom odjeljku dani su prikaz vrsta migracija i poimanje migracija u kontekstu ljudske i građanske sigurnosti, dok su u drugom analizirani potisni i privlačni faktori migracija iz država Sjevernog trokuta. U trećem odjeljku prikazana je politika tranzitne države Meksika prema ilegalnim migrantima. U radu je izložen sud o migracijskoj politici Meksika prema migrantima u tranzitu. Zaključeno je da je iz perspektive ljudske sigurnosti politika bila »loša« jer je bila diskriminirajuća i u neskladu s kulturno-političkim kontekstom te moralnim i zakonskim normama. No gledano iz perspektive nacionalne sigurnosti politika je bila »dobra« jer je bila ostvariva, postigla je rezultate uz prihvatljiv trošak ljudi i sredstva i njome su obranjeni državni interesi Meksika – dobri odnosi sa SAD-om. ; This article will attempt to answer two questions; first, in what way did the Government of Mexico attempt to resolve the influx of a large number of migrants, children and family members, from the Northern Triangle countries (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras) who were transiting Mexico on their way to the United States in the 2014–2016 period? Second, why have migrants continued to arrive even after the adoption of the Mexican Programa Frontera Sur (PFS) of 2014, which was supposed to resolve the migration crisis and put an end to arrests and deportation? At the same time, the article will try to assess, according to Haines (2013), whether the Mexican post-2014 migration policy has been "good" (in line with the political and cultural context, achievable and effective with acceptable costs of staff and resources), or "bad" (discriminatory and incompatible with existing moral and legal norms). The thesis of the article is that under the influence of the United States, Mexico is treating migrants in transit as a security threat, rather than as members of the same cultural circle who require protection. So, instead of helping them, Mexico uses coercion to suppress them. While traditional threats are endangering the survival of the state, new threats to the state are also endangering individuals. The article consists of an introduction, three sections and a conclusion. The first section will provide an explanation of the relationship between migration and security (traditional national security and human security). The second section analyses the pull-and-push factors of migration from the Northern Triangle countries. This is followed by Mexico's transit policy towards illegal migrants, which is discussed in the third section. Case study research was used as a methodological strategy. The migration wave in the 2014–2016 period, consisting of many children and mothers from the Northern Triangle states transiting through Mexico on their way to the United States, was characterised as a crisis. A crisis implies the existence of a threat justifying the imposition of extraordinary measures. The issue of migrants in transit through Mexico was no novelty. Since the late 1980s, under the pressure of the United States, Mexico has been deporting migrants in transit back to their countries of origin. As Mexico has increasingly associated with the United States, there has emerged a growing need for greater compliance with "American requirements" and for the understanding of "American fears" of illegal migrants. After 11 September 2001, the fear became almost paranoid. Mexican presidents Fox, Calderon, and Nieto brought about and implemented a restrictive migration policy in line with the US policy, according to which migrants posed a threat to national security. Although repeatedly emphasising its intention to protect the migrants in transit, Mexico militarised and securitised its migration policy. This was particularly apparent after the 2014 Frontera Sur programme, which applied the same methods – arrest, deportation and denial of asylum – to the vulnerable population of women and children who largely satisfied the criteria for refugee status recognition. The PFS emphasised the intent to protect migrants, to better manage border crossings and to create security and prosperity zones in the south of the country. However, after two years of the programme's implementation it can be concluded that none of the objectives above have been achieved. Indeed, migrants in transit are additionally exposed to strife, suffering, and violations of their fundamental human rights, both by criminal organisations and the forces of law and order. Therefore, their transit has become much more uncertain than it was before. At the same time, human rights are violated by the state of Mexico itself, which denies migrants the right to asylum or recognition of humanitarian visas. The border in the south of the country has not become more secure. That PFS complies with US interests is apparent from the fact that the United States is its main source of funding, since it has managed to link the combat against drugs and migrants in transit via the Merida Initiative. The question is why have migrants continued to arrive despite everything mentioned above? It was their hope that somehow, they would reach the USA or, in the worst case, remain in Mexico. The most elementary human right, the right to life, is endangered in the countries of the Northern Triangle. In addition to personal insecurity, there are other human security threats in Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador forcing the citizens to flee and emigrate from political, economic, environmental, and health and food insecurity. With everything being said, it is not easy to evaluate the Mexican migration policy. From a perspective of human security, it was "bad" because it was discriminatory and incompatible with the cultural and political context, as well as with moral and legal norms. Evaluated from a national security perspective, it was "good" because it was achievable, it has yielded results with an acceptable cost of staff and resources and has achieved state interests – good relations with the United States. At the same time, it is one of the tools Mexico can use in the future if Trump should decide against Mexican interests (significant taxing of Mexican products or deporting the many Mexican citizens illegally residing in the United States). Since Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador belong to the same cultural (historical, religious and linguistic circle), it was presumed that Mexico would pursue a policy that favours migrants and their protection; however, that did not happen. The authors agree with Kimball (2007: 140) that in the long run, Mexico will not be able to simultaneously advocate and implement both the pro- and anti-immigrant policy. The problem of the migrant wave, mostly consisting of mothers and children from the Northern Triangle countries, who were in transit through Mexico during 2014–2016, was attempted to be resolved via securitisation rather than care about their security. Castles de Haas and Miller (2014: 5) state that in the case of Mexico, there is a proliferation of migration transition, since it is turning from an emigration into an immigration country. To be more specific, with Trump coming to power, Mexico is increasingly not just a transit country, but also an ultimate destination country. Trump's immigration policy regarding immigrants from Central America suffers from deep historical amnesia related to the role of the USA in the Central American conflict of the 1980s, which has significantly destabilised the region. Moreover, Trump denounces and demonises as dangerous criminals the families, women and children, who have fled from violence contributed to by the USA (Portillo Villeda and Miklos, 2017: 53–54). This is one of the reasons the number of arrested migrants from Central America on the southern border of the United States has significantly decreased, but the number of asylum seekers in Mexico has increased threefold. There is a hope that new Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador would perceive vulnerable Northern Triangle migrants more as a threat to human rather than national security.

Model novog javnog menadžmenta sadrži javne politike za tržišno usmjerene institucionalne reforme. Zemlje koje su primijenile ovaj model općenito su među prvih dvadeset na globalnim ljestvicama vezanima uz ljudski razvoj, ljudsku slobodu, ekonomsku slobodu, lakoću poslovanja, deregulaciju tržišta, konkurentnost, antikorupcijsku transparentnost i liberalnu demokraciju. Dok su nordijske zemlje uvele vanjsko ugovaranje usluga (outsourcing) i tržišno natjecanje unutar svojih sustava države blagostanja, a Njemačka se snažno usmjerila na privatizacije, anglosaksonske zemlje, a posebice Sjedinjene Države, ugovaraju čak i dijelove nacionalne sigurnosti s privatnim vojnim i obavještajnim pružateljima. Međutim, model novog javnog menadžmenta ne zanemaruje ulogu države, već potiče njezino smanjivanje i otvaranje za tržišno natjecanje, privatizaciju, deregulaciju i transparentnost. Dok je Novi javni menadžment uključiv prema zajednicama i tržištima, primjena ovog modela može poboljšati institucije i upravljanje stvaranjem pretežito horizontalnih struktura, koje osiguravaju veze među različitim dijelovima organizacije i koherentan okvir javnih politika. U konačnici, reforme javnog upravljanja ovise o kritičkom razmišljanju, temeljem multidisciplinarne ekspertize, koja doprinosi inovativnim i inkluzivnim institucijama usmjerenim na rješavanje problema, s dovoljnom razinom građanskih vrlina i društvenog povjerenja. ; The New Public Management model contains public policies for market-driven institutional reforms. Countries that applied this model are generally among the TOP 20 in global rankings concerning human development, human freedom, economic freedom, ease of doing business, market deregulation, competitiveness, anti-corruption transparency and liberal democracy. While the Nordic countries introduced outsourcing and competition within their welfare systems, and Germany strongly focused on privatizations, the Anglo-Saxon countries, and especially the United States, outsource even parts of their national security to private military and intelligence contractors. However, the New Public Management model does not undermine the role of government, but encourages its downsizing and opening for competition, privatization, deregulation and transparency. While the New Public Management is inclusive toward communities and markets, the application of the model can improve institutions and governance by creating predominantly horizontal structures, which ensure connections between different parts of organization and coherent public policy framework. Finally, public management reforms depend on critical thinking, based on the multidisciplinary expertise, which contributes to innovative and inclusive problem-solving institutions, with sufficient level of civic virtues and social trust.

Ovaj rad će analizirati kako i u kojoj mjeri države kandidatkinje, tj. Crna Gora usklađuje svoju vanjsku politiku sa ZVSP-om i ZSOP-om. Teorijski okvir će biti formiran oko dva temeljna alternativna koncepta – upravljanje iz pozicije države i višerazinsko upravljanje. Također, u radu će se ukratko prikazati kako je Lisabonski ugovor utjecao na ZVSP i ZSOP i stvorio ono što imamo danas. Nakon toga, predstavit će se usklađivanje crnogorske vanjske politike s EU, s posebnim naglaskom na nametnute sankcije u odnosu na na situaciju u Ukrajini, zbog višeslojnih odnosa između Crne Gore i Rusije. Sve ovo treba nam omogućiti zaključak utječu li i do koje mjere ZVSP i ZSOP na crnogorsku vanjsku politiku i njene postulate. ; The preamble of the Montenegrin constitution states that the Montenegrins are committed to European integrations, and that they share the same values and aims with the people of Europe. The government of Montenegro confirmed dedication to the European path by signing on 15 October 2007 a Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA ), thereby accepting responsibility for its European future. Montenegrin European path is advancing steadily and until now eighteen of thirty-five negotiating Chapters have been opened, out which two Chapters have been provisionally closed. EU Member states devoted themselves to the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), as well as to the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), with which they are strengthening the EU 's external ability to act through the development of civilian and military capabilities in conflict prevention and crisis management. The acquis consists of political declarations, decisions and agreements, and member states must be able to support political dialogue in the framework of the policies, to align with EU statements, to take part in EU decisions and to apply agreed sanctions and restrictive measures. Montenegrin officials stated that, with respect to the EU policies vis-à-vis other third countries and regions, the country would not have difficulties in implementing CFSP and CSDP positions, yet, they expressed their commitment to be ready to fully and actively participate in the EU 's policies by the date of accession. Montenegro, also colloquially called 'the EU 's good student', in its accession process is already aligning with the EU 's policies. This paper will conduct an analysis with respect to how and to what extent the candidate countries, i.e. Montenegro is aligning its foreign policy with the EU 's CFSP and CSDP. Theoretical framework will be built around two basic alternative conceptions – state-centric governance and multi-level governance, which will establish a base for our further analysis. Also, this paper will briefly present how the treaty of Lisbon impacted the CFSP and CSDP and created what we have today. Afterwards, I will present all alignments of the Montenegrin foreign policy with the EU 's, with a special emphasis on the imposed sanctions in view of the situation in Ukraine, due to the multi-layered ties between Montenegro and Russia. All this should enable us to draw a conclusion if and to what extent EU 's CFSP and CSDP are affecting and changing Montenegrin foreign policy and its postulates.

Rad problematizira vanjsko-političku situaciju Republike Srbije koja se nalazi između članstva u euroatlantskim integracijama, odnosno koja je vojno neutralna država okruženama članicama Organizacije Sjeveroatlantskog ugovora. Nadalje, u radu se, primjenom istraživačke metode analize sadržaja, analiziraju članci objavljeni na portalima ''Politika Online'' i ''Danas''. Članci uzeti u obzir odabrani su unutar dvomjesečnog roka (svibanj i lipanj 2016. godine). Cilj analize sadržaja jest utvrđivanje usmjerenja medija spram spomenute teme i vanjsko-političke situacije Srbije, kao utvrđivanje općih novinarskih standarda prilikom prenošenja takvih vijesti (poput argumentiranosti, uravnoteženosti i objektivnosti). Članci su razvrstani prema pripadnosti u rubrici, a zatim kronološki. Suvremena dilema Srbije, koja se nalazi i između članstva u Europskoj Uniji, i sa visokim intenzitetom suradnje sa NATO savezom (članica programa Partnerstvo za mir) neobično je važna za sigurnosni aspekt čitavog prostora Jugoistočne Europe. ; This paper reviews the situation of foreign policy of the Republic of Serbia, which is located between membership in Euro-Atlantic integration, and it's military neutrality while surrounded by members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Furthermore, through the application of research methods of content analysis articles analysed were published on the portals '' Politika Online '' and '' Danas ''. Articles were selected within the two-month period (during the months of May and June 2016). The goal of the content analysis is to determine the orientation of the media towards these themes and situation of foreign policy of Serbia, as well as identification of the general journalistic standards when transmitting such news (such as objectivity and balance). Articles are sorted by belonging to thecertain section, and then chronologically. This modern dilemma of Serbia, which is also a member of the European Union, with the high intensity of cooperation with NATO (member of the Partnership for Peace) ...

Tema diplomskog rada je politika SAD-a prema ilegalnim migrantima iz Latinske Amerike. Promatrano je razdoblje nakon Drugog svjetskog rata kada je krenuo masovni priljev emigranata iz Latinske Amerike u Sjedinjene Američke Države. Tada imigracijska politika prema ilegalnim imigrantima postaje jedna od prioritetnih politika Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. U promatranom razdoblju daje se prikaz imigracijske politike američkih predsjednika, počevši sa Zakonom o reformi i kontroli imigracije (Immigration Reform and Control Act-IRCA) predsjednika Ronalda Reagana (1981. - 1989.). Vrata ilegalnoj imigraciji iz Latinske Amerike pokušao je zatvoriti predsjednik Bill Clinton (1993. - 2001.) Zakonom o reformi ilegalne imigracije i imigrantskoj odgovornosti (Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigration Responsibility Act-IIRIA), dok je namjere predsjednika Georgea W. Busha (2001. - 2009.) spriječio teroristički napad na Sjedinjene Američke Države 11.9.2001 godine. Njegov nasljednik predsjednik Barack Obama (2009. - 2017.) iskoristio je svoje predsjedničke ovlasti i autorizirao provođenje programa DACA (Deffered Action for Childhood Arrivals) i DAPA (Deffered Action for Parents of Americans) koji su pogodovali djeci ilegalnih imigranta, uz istovremeno provođenje brojnih uhićenja i deportacija ilegalnih imigranata. Rad završava prikazom dosadašnje politike predsjednika Donalda Trumpa koji ilegalne imigrante smatra prijetnjom nacionalnoj sigurnosti Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. ; The subject of the graduate thesis is policy of the USA towards illegal migrants from Latin America. Observed period is the period after World War II, starting with the mass flow of emigrants from the Latin America to the United States of America. This is the period when immigration policy of the United States towards illegal immigrants became one of the priorities of the United States. Presented are american president's immigration policies, beginning with the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) presented by the president Ronald Reagan (1981. – ...

Pravilno određeni i na jasan način prikazani načela, ciljevi i instrumenti temeljne su odrednice za uspješno uspostavljanje i provođenje pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije i njezinih zemalja članica, a kako bi se razvio efektivan prometni i pomorski sustav uz istovremeni gospodarski rast utemeljen na sustavu održivog razvoja potrebna je usklađenost nacionalne politike s determinantama pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije, uz respektiranje osobitih značajki pomorskog tržišta. Europska unija svojim programima, strategijama i projektima nastoji pomoći u razvitku svojih zemalja članica, te financiranjima i ograničenjima uvesti i održavati mir i sigurnost u teritorijalnim oblastima Europskog kontinenta, uz stvaranje međunarodne suradnje i očuvanja ljudskih prava i demokracije. ; Properly defined and clearly presented principles, goals and instruments are fundamental determinants for the successful establishment and implementation of maritime and transport policy of the European Union and its Member States, in order to develop an effective transport and maritime system with simultaneous economic growth based on sustainable development. It is necessary to harmonize the national policy with the determinants of the maritime and transport policy of the European Union, while respecting the special features of the maritime market. Through its programs, strategies and projects, the European Union seeks to help the development of its member states, and to introduce and maintain peace and security in the territorial areas of the European continent with funding and restrictions, while creating international cooperation and preserving human rights and democracy.

Pravilno određeni i na jasan način prikazani načela, ciljevi i instrumenti temeljne su odrednice za uspješno uspostavljanje i provođenje pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije i njezinih zemalja članica, a kako bi se razvio efektivan prometni i pomorski sustav uz istovremeni gospodarski rast utemeljen na sustavu održivog razvoja potrebna je usklađenost nacionalne politike s determinantama pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije, uz respektiranje osobitih značajki pomorskog tržišta. Europska unija svojim programima, strategijama i projektima nastoji pomoći u razvitku svojih zemalja članica, te financiranjima i ograničenjima uvesti i održavati mir i sigurnost u teritorijalnim oblastima Europskog kontinenta, uz stvaranje međunarodne suradnje i očuvanja ljudskih prava i demokracije. ; Properly defined and clearly presented principles, goals and instruments are fundamental determinants for the successful establishment and implementation of maritime and transport policy of the European Union and its Member States, in order to develop an effective transport and maritime system with simultaneous economic growth based on sustainable development. It is necessary to harmonize the national policy with the determinants of the maritime and transport policy of the European Union, while respecting the special features of the maritime market. Through its programs, strategies and projects, the European Union seeks to help the development of its member states, and to introduce and maintain peace and security in the territorial areas of the European continent with funding and restrictions, while creating international cooperation and preserving human rights and democracy.

U radu se propituje i analizira utjecaj terorističkih napada na oblikovanje protuterorističke politike EU-a. Provedeno istraživanje uključuje kvalitativnu analizu sadržaja primarnih izvora EU-a u recentnom razdoblju (2015. – 2016.). Rezultati ukazuju na pomicanje protuterorističke politike EU-a na kontinuumu od "mekog" prema "tvrdom" obliku moći ubrzanim donošenjem sve restriktivnijih sigurnosnih mjera. Pokazalo se također kako egzogene krize manifestirane počinjenim terorističkim napadima na tlu EU-a u značajnoj mjeri utječu na endogeni institucionalni razvoj EU-a, koji je primarno fokusiran na rješavanje posljedica, a u manjoj mjeri na etiologiju nastanka i razvoja radikalizacije i terorističkog djelovanja. Rad pridonosi razumijevanju političkih odluka i institucionalnih promjena koje utječu na razvoj protuterorističkog prostora u EU. ; This paper examines and analyses the impact of terrorist attacks on the formation of the EU counter-terrorism policy. The conducted research includes a qualitative content analysis of the EU primary sources in the recent period (2015 – 2016). The results indicate how the EU counter-terrorism policy moves on the continuum from "soft" toward "hard" power, where security measures are more restrictive than ever before. This research also demonstrates how exogenous crises manifested through terrorist attacks committed on the EU territory significantly affect the endogenous institutional development of the EU, which is primarily focused on dealing with terrorism-related consequences and to a lesser extent with the aetiology of the origin and development of radicalization and terrorism. This paper contributes to the understanding of the political decision-making and institutional changes that influence the development of the EU counter-terrorism area.