In the theoretical part was made yielded a holistic approach to sustainable development (SD). In order to examine energetical discourse in online media, was made the online media review and analyzed information presentation. News framing theory analysis revealed how the media builds knowledge from the news and how this affects the political, economical and social reality. Also described the manipulation of society (propaganda) mechanisms. Prepared energetic discourse shaping and it's features, in online media, analysis methodology in social and environmental aspects, also made quantitative and qualitative study, which analyzed online news sites Deli.lt, Lrytas.lt and Balsas.lt energetic-themed text's in 2012 February 1-2013 January 31 period(a total 619 articles). The conclusion was made in the end of work.
In the theoretical part was made yielded a holistic approach to sustainable development (SD). In order to examine energetical discourse in online media, was made the online media review and analyzed information presentation. News framing theory analysis revealed how the media builds knowledge from the news and how this affects the political, economical and social reality. Also described the manipulation of society (propaganda) mechanisms. Prepared energetic discourse shaping and it's features, in online media, analysis methodology in social and environmental aspects, also made quantitative and qualitative study, which analyzed online news sites Deli.lt, Lrytas.lt and Balsas.lt energetic-themed text's in 2012 February 1-2013 January 31 period(a total 619 articles). The conclusion was made in the end of work.
In the theoretical part was made yielded a holistic approach to sustainable development (SD). In order to examine energetical discourse in online media, was made the online media review and analyzed information presentation. News framing theory analysis revealed how the media builds knowledge from the news and how this affects the political, economical and social reality. Also described the manipulation of society (propaganda) mechanisms. Prepared energetic discourse shaping and it's features, in online media, analysis methodology in social and environmental aspects, also made quantitative and qualitative study, which analyzed online news sites Deli.lt, Lrytas.lt and Balsas.lt energetic-themed text's in 2012 February 1-2013 January 31 period(a total 619 articles). The conclusion was made in the end of work.
This paper deals with the informational aspects of ensuring the social development of higher education – the strategic objective in creating the European higher education area. The importance of the informational aspects of social dimension in higher education is indicated by the fact that the EU education and training policy is based on the open method of coordination. Informational aspects of the social dimension of higher education are examined by performing an analysis of the EU documents on policy strategy, the Bologna Process documents, and the Bologna process progress report. The investigation has revealed a growing emphasis on the informational aspects of the social dimension of higher education, which is caused by the lack of respective information, the shortage of national data and non-comparability problems. In the analysis of the Bologna process report, the paper notes an expanding reach of the informational aspects of the social dimension of higher education.
This paper deals with the informational aspects of ensuring the social development of higher education – the strategic objective in creating the European higher education area. The importance of the informational aspects of social dimension in higher education is indicated by the fact that the EU education and training policy is based on the open method of coordination. Informational aspects of the social dimension of higher education are examined by performing an analysis of the EU documents on policy strategy, the Bologna Process documents, and the Bologna process progress report. The investigation has revealed a growing emphasis on the informational aspects of the social dimension of higher education, which is caused by the lack of respective information, the shortage of national data and non-comparability problems. In the analysis of the Bologna process report, the paper notes an expanding reach of the informational aspects of the social dimension of higher education.
This paper deals with the informational aspects of ensuring the social development of higher education – the strategic objective in creating the European higher education area. The importance of the informational aspects of social dimension in higher education is indicated by the fact that the EU education and training policy is based on the open method of coordination. Informational aspects of the social dimension of higher education are examined by performing an analysis of the EU documents on policy strategy, the Bologna Process documents, and the Bologna process progress report. The investigation has revealed a growing emphasis on the informational aspects of the social dimension of higher education, which is caused by the lack of respective information, the shortage of national data and non-comparability problems. In the analysis of the Bologna process report, the paper notes an expanding reach of the informational aspects of the social dimension of higher education.
This paper deals with the informational aspects of ensuring the social development of higher education – the strategic objective in creating the European higher education area. The importance of the informational aspects of social dimension in higher education is indicated by the fact that the EU education and training policy is based on the open method of coordination. Informational aspects of the social dimension of higher education are examined by performing an analysis of the EU documents on policy strategy, the Bologna Process documents, and the Bologna process progress report. The investigation has revealed a growing emphasis on the informational aspects of the social dimension of higher education, which is caused by the lack of respective information, the shortage of national data and non-comparability problems. In the analysis of the Bologna process report, the paper notes an expanding reach of the informational aspects of the social dimension of higher education.
As it was foreseen in the BA paper "Paauglystės vaizdavimas Algimanto Zurbos romanuose", this paper continues analysing Algimantas Zurba's (b. 1942), who was popular during soviet times and is still creating nowadays, creation. The sociocultural aspects of Zurba's creation were extended by analysing the place of the writer by comparing the field of soviet times' and today's literature – therefore it is tend not to the artistic analysis of works, which was done in the BA paper, but to political, social, cultural contexts that determined the peculiarity of Zurba's creation. This sociocultural research of Zurba's creative work is based on the most famous French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu's literature field theory and Lithuanian literature sociologist Loreta Jakonytė's works, in which the development of Lithuanian literature field is exhaustively described. In accordance with Dr. Valdemaras Klumbys' thesis "Lietuvos kultūrinio elito elgsenos modeliai sovietmečiu" (2009), the relationships of Zurba and soviet government institutions are analysed; the emphasis is put on typical for the writer external adjustment model, which is related to publicly declared, favourable to the government, attitude, but not to ideological worldview support. Contextual analysis of works is based on the representative of French pragmatics Dominique Maingueneau's literature context theory and on the representative of French socio-criticism Pierre Barberr's works. The sources of the research are journalism of Zurba, published in various periodical publications, and autobiography "Gal taip reikėjo" (2012). With comparative point of view it is aimed to evaluate Zurba's capital and estimate the influence of the writer to the field of Lithuanian literature. It is revealed that while evaluating colleagues and the prose of the contest of the young philologists, Zurba aims to emphasise the importance of traditional-realistic literature. The paper highlights not only the official activity of writer-socialist, but also informal relationships with colleagues. Particular attention is paid to the development and the shift of the writer's self-image; it is noticed that while Lithuania was proclaiming independency rehabilitation ideas, Zurba hard maintained nation's leader's position, motivated Lithuanian identity and nurturance of national culture. After having rehabilitated independency, the field of Lithuanian literature changed substantially: the writers lost the interest and the respect of the society; lost financial support from the government. Even though Zurba, as well as the majority of famous writers during soviet times, feels uninteresting, old-fashioned and irrelevant in today's literature field, he is still creating traditional ethnocentric prose of village topics, and in both journalism and autobiography declares the resistance to the popular culture, emphasises the importance of the nurturance of traditional values.
The object of the study was to introduce an innovative approach to the long-lasting theoretical discussion about the meaning and extent of political liberty in a modern democratic society. Our suggested way to explain why the democratic political order as such might give rise to considerable challenges for political liberty introduces the classical virtue of courage as a possible key explanatory factor underlying the major tensions that emerge between democracy and liberty. Such approach provides some new insights into the debate about the origins, limits, and political perspectives of modern democracies. The analysis starts by conceptualizing modern democracy as a political form which expresses a specific ethical idea about the natural equality of people. Generally, it means that egalitarianism is the founding idea and moral purpose of a democratic political system, which tends to develop into a modern type of representative government and civil society. The second part of our analysis emphasizes the fact that liberty is by nature a political fact achieved only by practical participation of an individual in public life, and which cannot be reduced to formal, legal, economic or moral categories. Liberty, being a principle of public action, requires the capacity of a person to risk his personal wealth and safety for the sake of the common good. The third part of the analysis explains the crucial importance of the virtue of courage to the whole political life, as it is an ethical idea which aims at building such a character of a person that is capable and motivated to live an active public life. It is the virtue of courage that makes an individual morally fit and eager to practice liberty, as well as ready to defend it against any acts of despotism. Finally, the analysis assesses the diminishing role of courage due to the egalitarian public order of a democracy, resulting in adverse effects on liberty. The conclusions of the article highlight several points which are noted below. In a democratic society, courage loses its status as a virtue; thus, individuals become less capable and less motivated to live an active public life. Democracy rests on the principle that implies establishing and protecting the equality of its citizens, while the virtue of courage expresses an implicit distaste for egalitarianism and encourages people to strive for an ethically superior status than that of all the rest, i.e. it makes a clear hierarchical distinction between cowards, conformists, and heroes. That's why democracy banishes courage from its equality favouring public life, depriving it of its ethical status. The decline of this virtue makes the practice of liberty more complicated as individuals lose interest in risking their private wealth and safety for the sake of the common good. The diminishing capacity and interest of citizens in democracy to live an active public life, while giving preference to social equality which requires no personal effort, is a major problem for political liberty. As people become indifferent to the pursuit of the common good, liberty becomes inactive, and the political community becomes less immune to various manifestations of despotism.
The object of the study was to introduce an innovative approach to the long-lasting theoretical discussion about the meaning and extent of political liberty in a modern democratic society. Our suggested way to explain why the democratic political order as such might give rise to considerable challenges for political liberty introduces the classical virtue of courage as a possible key explanatory factor underlying the major tensions that emerge between democracy and liberty. Such approach provides some new insights into the debate about the origins, limits, and political perspectives of modern democracies. The analysis starts by conceptualizing modern democracy as a political form which expresses a specific ethical idea about the natural equality of people. Generally, it means that egalitarianism is the founding idea and moral purpose of a democratic political system, which tends to develop into a modern type of representative government and civil society. The second part of our analysis emphasizes the fact that liberty is by nature a political fact achieved only by practical participation of an individual in public life, and which cannot be reduced to formal, legal, economic or moral categories. Liberty, being a principle of public action, requires the capacity of a person to risk his personal wealth and safety for the sake of the common good. The third part of the analysis explains the crucial importance of the virtue of courage to the whole political life, as it is an ethical idea which aims at building such a character of a person that is capable and motivated to live an active public life. It is the virtue of courage that makes an individual morally fit and eager to practice liberty, as well as ready to defend it against any acts of despotism. Finally, the analysis assesses the diminishing role of courage due to the egalitarian public order of a democracy, resulting in adverse effects on liberty. The conclusions of the article highlight several points which are noted below. In a democratic society, courage loses its status as a virtue; thus, individuals become less capable and less motivated to live an active public life. Democracy rests on the principle that implies establishing and protecting the equality of its citizens, while the virtue of courage expresses an implicit distaste for egalitarianism and encourages people to strive for an ethically superior status than that of all the rest, i.e. it makes a clear hierarchical distinction between cowards, conformists, and heroes. That's why democracy banishes courage from its equality favouring public life, depriving it of its ethical status. The decline of this virtue makes the practice of liberty more complicated as individuals lose interest in risking their private wealth and safety for the sake of the common good. The diminishing capacity and interest of citizens in democracy to live an active public life, while giving preference to social equality which requires no personal effort, is a major problem for political liberty. As people become indifferent to the pursuit of the common good, liberty becomes inactive, and the political community becomes less immune to various manifestations of despotism.
The object of the study was to introduce an innovative approach to the long-lasting theoretical discussion about the meaning and extent of political liberty in a modern democratic society. Our suggested way to explain why the democratic political order as such might give rise to considerable challenges for political liberty introduces the classical virtue of courage as a possible key explanatory factor underlying the major tensions that emerge between democracy and liberty. Such approach provides some new insights into the debate about the origins, limits, and political perspectives of modern democracies. The analysis starts by conceptualizing modern democracy as a political form which expresses a specific ethical idea about the natural equality of people. Generally, it means that egalitarianism is the founding idea and moral purpose of a democratic political system, which tends to develop into a modern type of representative government and civil society. The second part of our analysis emphasizes the fact that liberty is by nature a political fact achieved only by practical participation of an individual in public life, and which cannot be reduced to formal, legal, economic or moral categories. Liberty, being a principle of public action, requires the capacity of a person to risk his personal wealth and safety for the sake of the common good. The third part of the analysis explains the crucial importance of the virtue of courage to the whole political life, as it is an ethical idea which aims at building such a character of a person that is capable and motivated to live an active public life. It is the virtue of courage that makes an individual morally fit and eager to practice liberty, as well as ready to defend it against any acts of despotism. Finally, the analysis assesses the diminishing role of courage due to the egalitarian public order of a democracy, resulting in adverse effects on liberty. The conclusions of the article highlight several points which are noted below. In a democratic society, courage loses its status as a virtue; thus, individuals become less capable and less motivated to live an active public life. Democracy rests on the principle that implies establishing and protecting the equality of its citizens, while the virtue of courage expresses an implicit distaste for egalitarianism and encourages people to strive for an ethically superior status than that of all the rest, i.e. it makes a clear hierarchical distinction between cowards, conformists, and heroes. That's why democracy banishes courage from its equality favouring public life, depriving it of its ethical status. The decline of this virtue makes the practice of liberty more complicated as individuals lose interest in risking their private wealth and safety for the sake of the common good. The diminishing capacity and interest of citizens in democracy to live an active public life, while giving preference to social equality which requires no personal effort, is a major problem for political liberty. As people become indifferent to the pursuit of the common good, liberty becomes inactive, and the political community becomes less immune to various manifestations of despotism.
The object of the study was to introduce an innovative approach to the long-lasting theoretical discussion about the meaning and extent of political liberty in a modern democratic society. Our suggested way to explain why the democratic political order as such might give rise to considerable challenges for political liberty introduces the classical virtue of courage as a possible key explanatory factor underlying the major tensions that emerge between democracy and liberty. Such approach provides some new insights into the debate about the origins, limits, and political perspectives of modern democracies. The analysis starts by conceptualizing modern democracy as a political form which expresses a specific ethical idea about the natural equality of people. Generally, it means that egalitarianism is the founding idea and moral purpose of a democratic political system, which tends to develop into a modern type of representative government and civil society. The second part of our analysis emphasizes the fact that liberty is by nature a political fact achieved only by practical participation of an individual in public life, and which cannot be reduced to formal, legal, economic or moral categories. Liberty, being a principle of public action, requires the capacity of a person to risk his personal wealth and safety for the sake of the common good. The third part of the analysis explains the crucial importance of the virtue of courage to the whole political life, as it is an ethical idea which aims at building such a character of a person that is capable and motivated to live an active public life. It is the virtue of courage that makes an individual morally fit and eager to practice liberty, as well as ready to defend it against any acts of despotism. Finally, the analysis assesses the diminishing role of courage due to the egalitarian public order of a democracy, resulting in adverse effects on liberty. The conclusions of the article highlight several points which are noted below. In a democratic society, courage loses its status as a virtue; thus, individuals become less capable and less motivated to live an active public life. Democracy rests on the principle that implies establishing and protecting the equality of its citizens, while the virtue of courage expresses an implicit distaste for egalitarianism and encourages people to strive for an ethically superior status than that of all the rest, i.e. it makes a clear hierarchical distinction between cowards, conformists, and heroes. That's why democracy banishes courage from its equality favouring public life, depriving it of its ethical status. The decline of this virtue makes the practice of liberty more complicated as individuals lose interest in risking their private wealth and safety for the sake of the common good. The diminishing capacity and interest of citizens in democracy to live an active public life, while giving preference to social equality which requires no personal effort, is a major problem for political liberty. As people become indifferent to the pursuit of the common good, liberty becomes inactive, and the political community becomes less immune to various manifestations of despotism.
The article analyzes the typology aspects of: network structures, which develop integration opportunities; network systems, models and types; networking processes and their efficiency, effectiveness, functional possibilities. The authors, based on the opportunities of interpretive methods and theoretical modeling, in the article seek to summarize the indicators of newly developed new public governance doctrine, in which public administration theorists distinguish different types of policy, management and economic networks systems, described as a network structures and networking. As important task, the authors of this article hold the necessity to disclose the positions of the various authors, analyzing the interactions between the networking participants' quantitative and qualitative dimensions, normative and standardized elements of state institutions, as decision making, conflict regulation, the development of networks and networking as a systematic processes and organization performance management. The particular attention the authors distinguish to the social relations, i.e. the organizational functioning and cultural aspects of social networking, and the categorization analysis of social capital (in the context of the networking process). The authors conclude that modern public governance, influenced by global changes, has a multidimensional nature and the characteristics of cross-sectoral interaction and development of network structure formation. A special factor of new public governance becomes the development of hybrid organizations. These factors are the priority dimensions of scientific academic debates. They are underlined in the fixation of new public governance indicators, management process of public sector organizations, establishing organizational culture, value orientations and behaviour standards. Networking as a form of public government, becomes increasingly important instrumentation in modern [.]
