Suchergebnisse

Razvoj ljudske civilizacije usko je povezan s korištenjem energije i njezinih mnogostrukih izvora. Od doba ranih hominida na planetu, prije sedam milijuna godina, pa do sadašnjeg homo sapiens sapiens, energija je bila osnovni čimbenik opstanka vrste. Crkva općenito, a posebice kroz svoj socijalni nauk pokazuje posebno zanimanje za pitanja cjelovitog ljudskog razvoja, pa je tako predmet njezina razmatranja i pitanje energije, kao iznimnog izazova za pravdu, sigurnost i mir u svijetu. S pitanjem globalne energetike bave se izravno pape Ivan Pavao II., Benedikt XVI. i Franjo, svjesni da ono spada u iznimno bitne znakove vremena, koje treba pretpostavljati, čitati i tumačiti u svjetlu evanđeoske mudrosti. Ipak, problematika energije, odnosno energetskog sustava, još uvijek je jedno zanemareno globalno pitanje današnjice, iako je iznimno bitan čimbenik za cjelovit razvoj i ljudsko dostojanstvo. ; The development of human civilization is closely related to the use of energy and of its multiple sources. From the time of the early hominoids on the planet, seven million years ago, to the present homo sapiens sapiens, energy has been a basic factor affecting the survival of the species. Generally speaking and particularly through her Social Doctrine, the Church demonstrates a special interest in issues concerning integral human development. Thus, the energy issue is also deemed a subject to be dealt with by the Church since it is an exceptional challenge for the purposes of justice, security and peace in the world. Popes John Paul II, Benedict XVI and Francis all have concerned themselves with the question of global energy, being aware that this is an extremely important sign of the times which must be understood, read and interpreted in the light of evangelical wisdom. Nevertheless, matters concerning energy and the energy system are today still a neglected global issue, though an immensely important factor affecting integral development and human dignity.

Kao rezultat izbora 2005. Pravo i pravda (PIS) postaje dominantna stranka u poljskom parlamentu s dominantnom braćom Kaczyński na čelu. Od 2007. do 2015. je oporbena politička sila, a onda 2015. uvjerljivom većinom i u donjem i u gornjem domu parlamenta opet dolazi na vlast. PiS je radikalna stranka desne orijentacije ili desnog centra. Zbog svojih je radikalnih stavova često spominjan kao uzrok slabijeg razvoja Poljske i njenog slabog međunarodnog položaja. U radu se konzervativna vlast te stranke prikazuje s obzirom na neovisnost rada sudova, slobodu medija i zaštitu ljudskih prava i sloboda. Status zaštite ljudskih prava i stupanj demokracije utjecao je na odnos EU prema Poljskoj, a nacionalizam PiS-a na odnos Poljske prema EU, Rusiji, Njemačkoj i ukupnoj međunarodnoj zajednici. ; As a result of the 2005 election, the Law and Justice party (abbreviated as PiS in Polish for Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) became the dominant party in the Polish parliament under the leadership of the Kaczyński brothers, Lech and Jaroslaw. From 2007 to 2015, PiS was a force in its role as the political opposition. It came to power again in 2015 after winning persuasive majorities in the Lower and Upper Houses. PiS is a radical party of right or center-right orientation. Because of its radical positions, it often is mentioned as a cause of Poland's weaker national development and international status. This work discusses the party's conservative government with regard to the relationship between legislative and judicial authorities, freedom of the media, and the protection of human rights. Poland's state of human rights protection and its degree of democracy has influenced its relationship with the EU. PiS's nationalism also has had an impact on Poland's relations with the EU, Russia, Germany, and the larger international community.

U radu se analizira veza između dohodovnih nejednakosti i redistributivnih preferencija. Glavni su ciljevi rada: utvrditi u kojoj su mjeri stvarne dohodovne nejednakosti povezane s redistributivnim preferencijama, koji su korelati redistributivnih preferencija na makrorazini te koje mehanizme redistribucije preferiraju građani u zemljama EU-a. Kao izvori podataka o redistributivnim preferencijama korišteni su agregirani podaci iz dvaju specijalnih istraživanja Eurobarometra (2010. i 2018.), dok su makrostatistički pokazatelji uzeti iz Eurostatove baze podataka. U radu su korištene bivarijatne korelacijske analize, linearna regresija i klaster analiza. Opći je nalaz da su visoke redistributivne preferencije prisutne u gotovo svim zemljama EU-a. Izgleda da rast dohodovnih nejednakosti nije ključni čimbenik visoke razine redistributivnih preferencija, već je to percepcija dohodovnih nejednakosti i osjetljivost građana na ekonomske nejednakosti. Građani u zemljama EU-a često pogrešno percipiraju razinu nejednakosti u društvu i svoje mjesto na dohodovnoj ljestvici. Ispitanici iz postsocijalističkih zemalja imaju veću »averziju« prema dohodovnim nejednakostima i žele veću ulogu države u redistribuciji i društvenom životu. Stanovnici EU-a podržavaju sve ključne mehanizme dohodovne redistribucije (porezi, obrazovanje, socijalna zaštita i minimalna plaća), ali najveću potporu daju poreznom sustavu i progresivnom oporezivanju bogatijih, dok je najviše dilema vezano za potpuno besplatno obrazovanje. ; The paper analyses the relationship between income inequalities and redistributive preferences. The objectives have been: determine to which degree income inequalities are associated with redistributive preferences, which are the correlates of redistributive preferences on the macro level and which mechanisms of redistribution have been preferred by citizens in the EU countries. Aggregated data from two special Eurobarometer surveys (2010 and 2018) were used as the data source on redistributive preferences, while macro-statistical indicators were taken from the Eurostat database. Bivariate correlational analyses, linear regression and the cluster analysis were used for data processing. A general finding is that redistributive preferences are high in almost all EU countries. It seems that an increase of income inequalities is not the key factor of high redistributive preferences, but it is the perception of income inequalities and the sensitivity of citizens towards income inequalities. Citizens in the EU countries often incorrectly perceive the level of inequalities in society and their place on the income scale. The respondents from post-socialist countries have a larger "aversion" towards income inequalities and want a stronger role of the government in the redistribution and social life. Inhabitants of the EU countries support all key mechanisms of income redistribution (taxes, education, social protection and minimum wage), but they give the largest support to the tax system and the progressive taxation of the wealthy, while there are a lot of suspicions regarding fully free education.

Cilj ovog rada je istražiti u kojoj mjeri Europski sud pravde (ESP) odluke o prethodnim pitanjima u području socijalnih naknada za ekonomski neaktivne migrante, državljane Europske unije (EU), donosi strateški, a u kojoj se mjeri nacionalni sudovi u tim područjima pokoravaju odlukama ESP-a. Rad pri tome nastoji doprinijeti boljem razumijevanju utjecaja sudstva na javne politike putem procedure prethodnih pitanja EU-a. Kako je područje socijalne politike izrazito konfliktno, ovaj rad pretpostavlja da će aktivnosti ESP-a u tome području u najvećoj mjeri odražavati strateško balansiranje između dublje EU integracije putem sudskih praksi i poštivanja nacionalnih (fiskalnih) interesa i nadležnosti. Autor poseže za interguvernmentalnom teorijskom perspektivom racionalnog izbora i primjenjuje ju na primjeru Njemačke gdje su tri nedavna slučaja pristupa socijalnim naknadama (tj. posebnim nekontributivnim davanjima) upućena ESP-u na odlučivanje o prethodnim pitanjima (Dano C-333/13, Alimanović C-67/15 i García-Nieto C-299/14). Zaključci se temelje na rekonstrukciji političkih okolnosti, prethodne sudske prakse ESP-a, priloženih obrazloženja u slučajevima te konačne presude nacionalnih sudova. ; The purpose of this paper is to investigate to what extent the European Court of Justice (ECJ) decides strategically on preliminary references in matters of access to social benefits by economically inactive EU migrants, and to what extent national courts decide to comply with ECJ preliminary rulings in these issues. In doing so, this paper attempted to contribute to a better understanding of judiciaries' impact on public policy through the EU preliminary reference procedures. Knowing that the field of social policy is highly conflict-laden, this paper assumes that the ECJ activity in this area will largely reflect a strategic balancing between deeper EU integration through case law and respect for national (fiscal) interests and competences. The paper draws on an intergovernmental, rational-choice theoretical perspective and applies it in a case study on Germany, where three cases (Dano C-333/13, Alimanovic C-67/15 and García-Nieto C-299/14) regarding the access to social benefits (i.e. special non-contributory benefits) have recently been referred to the ECJ. To draw conclusions, the author traces political circumstances, previous ECJ case law, ECJ reasoning in the case studies and final verdicts by national courts.

Šteta nastala upotrebom vozila jedna je od pretpostavki nastanka obveze za osiguratelja od automobilske odgovornosti. Sadržaj pojma "upotreba vozila" nije posebno određen (definiran) u Zakonu o obveznim osiguranjima u prometu niti u direktivama Europske unije koje se odnose na obvezna osiguranja u prometu. To je razlog nastanka mnogobrojnih sporova iz pokrića osiguranja od automobilske odgovornosti. U radu se nastoji prikazati sadržaj pojma "upotreba vozila" koji je proizišao iz domaće i europske sudske prakse uz istodobno upozoravanje na neke razlike u njegovu shvaćanju koje se vezuju uz tendenciju proširenja obveze osiguratelja od automobilske odgovornosti. ; Damage caused by or arising from the use of a vehicle is a prerequisite for the emergence of obligations on the part of car insurers. The scope of the term "vehicle use" is not precisely defined either by the Compulsory Car Insurance Act, or by the EU directives on compulsory traffic-related insurance, which explains numerous car insurance disputes. The paper aims to shed light on the scope of the term "vehicle use" in Croatian and EU case law, as well as shift attention to the term's varying interpretations, because of which car insurers tend to meet more obligations.

U ovom radu analizira se ravnoteža između učinkovitosti i pravednosti u poreznom sustavu. Dok se učinkovitost obično odnosi na to koliko se dobro u nekom gospodarstvu dodjeljuju ograničeni resursi da bi se zadovoljile potrebe potrošača, cilj pravednosti je analizirati distribuciju resursa. Stoga je povezan s pojmovima poštenja i socijalne pravde. Učinkovitost se bavi optimalnom proizvodnjom i alokacijom resursa unutar dostupnih čimbenika proizvodnje. U poreznom sustavu učinkovitost znači sposobnost ubiranja dovoljnih javnih prihoda putem najvećeg mogućeg pojednostavljenja poreznog sustava. Pravednost analizira kako se dostupni resursi raspodjeljuju unutar društva. Okomita pravednost bavi se relativnim dohotkom i dobrobiti stanovništva ili time koliko se pravedno raspodjeljuju dostupni resursi. To može značiti više porezne stope za građane s većim primanjima. Vodoravna pravednost temelji se na uvjerenju da bi građani s istim dohotkom trebali plaćati poreze prema istoj poreznoj stopi. Cilj rada je identificirati uvjete pod kojima nema konflikta između pravednosti i učinkovitosti u poreznom sustavu. Porezni sustav je glavni instrument vlade za redistribuciju dohotka, ali postoji potencijalna ravnoteža između pravednosti i učinkovitosti. Ideja je odrediti one mjere koje potiču veću pravednost, ali ne utječu ili vrlo malo utječu na učinkovitost. Drugim riječima, namjera je rada odrediti mjere politike kojima se međusobno podupiru pravednost i učinkovitost i porezne mjere koje možda mogu omogućiti učinkovitiji fiskalni sustav. ; The paper examines the efficiency and equity trade-off in the tax system. While efficiency usually recounts to how well an economy assigns limited resources to meet the needs of consumers, the goal of equity is to analyse the distribution of resources. Thus, it is related to the concepts of fairness and social justice. Efficiency deals with the optimal production and allocation of resources within the available production factors. In the tax system, efficiency means the ability to collect sufficient public revenues by making a tax system as simple as possible. Equity examines how available resources are distributed in the society. Vertical equity deals with the relative income and welfare of the population or with how equitably available resources are distributed. It may imply higher tax rates for citizens with higher incomes. Horizontal equity is based on the belief that earners with the same income should pay taxes at the same tax rate. The aim of the article is to identify those conditions under which there is no conflict between equity and efficiency in the tax system. The tax system is the government's main lever to redistribute income, but there is a potential balance between equity and efficiency. The idea is to determine policy measures which stimulate greater equity, but have no or little effect on efficiency. In other words, our intention is to find out policy actions where equity and efficiency support each other and where tax measures may perhaps even enable a more efficient fiscal system.

Cilj je ovoga rada razmotriti je li Hrvatskoj potrebna institucionalna reforma upravnosudskog sustava te koje alternative Hrvatskoj stoje na raspolaganju odluči li se za ovu reformu. Rad je podijeljen u pet dijelova. Nakon uvodnog dijela u kojem autor općenito problematizira o važnosti sudskog nadzora zakonitosti rada uprave i upravnog spora, analizira se stanje institucionalnog ustroja upravnog spora u Hrvatskoj danas. Zatim se razmatraju modeli ustroja upravnog spora u nekim europskim državama te se nastoji utvrditi postoji li jedinstveni europski model institucionalnog ustroja upravnog sudstva. Slijedi prikaz mogućih reformskih alternativa ukoliko se Hrvatska za takvu reformu odluči. U zaključku, autor sumira analiziranu problematiku te modele njezinog mogućeg prevladavanja. ; The aim of this paper is to examine whether Croatia needs institutional reform of the administrative judicial system and which alternatives Croatia has at its disposal if it decides upon this reform. This paper is divided into fi ve parts. After the introductory part, in which the author generally problematises the importance of judicial supervision of the legality of the work of administration and administrative dispute resolution, the state of the institutional structure of administrative dispute resolution in Croatia today is analysed. Then, organisational models of administrative dispute resloution in certain European countries are considered and an attempt is made at trying to establish whether a unitary European model of institutional organisation of administrative judiciary exists. An analysis of possible reform alternatives follows in so far as Croatia decides on such reform. In the conclusion, the author summarises the analysis of the problem areas and models of its possible prevalence.

Proces integracije promatramo kroz prizmu pravde, gdje je cilj integracije postizanje pravne i političke jednakosti između manjine i većine. U ovom radu polazi se od ideje da društvo čine dvije osnovne zajednice: kulturna i politička. Prateći ovu dihotomiju zaključuje se da i proces integracije ima dvije dimenzije: političku i društvenu. Proces integracije nacionalnih manjina podrazumijeva njihovo sudjelovanje (integriranost) u politički i društveni život zajednice (države) u kojoj žive. U prvom dijelu rada autorica predstavlja modele političkog predstavljanja nacionalnih manjina, kako bi utvrdila prednosti i mane svakog od njih. U drugom dijelu rada autorica analizira aktivnosti manjinskih stranaka na posljednjim parlamentarnim izborima u Srbiji, izborne programe koje predlažu i rezultate koje su ostvarile. ; The integration process can be perceived through the prism of justice, whereby the aim of integration is to achieve the legal and political equality between minority and majority. This paper is based on the idea that the society has two main communities: cultural and political. Following this dichotomy, one can conclude that the integration of national minorities has two dimensions: political and social. Integration of national minorities involves their participation (integration) in political and social life of the community (state) in which they live. First part of the paper provides the analysis of models of political representation of national minorities in order to determine the advantages and disadvantages of each model. In the second part, the author analyzes the activities of minority parties in the last parliamentary elections in Serbia, the electoral programs which they proposed and the results that have been achieved.

Čvrsta povezanost SAD-a i Europske unije koja je prikazana kroz brojna područja suradnje poput trgovine, sigurnosti i pravde, energije, klimatskih promjena te obrazovanja, u posljednjim godinama Junckerove komisije poprilično je ugrožena. Uzimajući u obzir ideološke i političke nesuglasice SAD-a i Europske unije, koje se posebno očituju za vrijeme Trumpove administracije i nove percepcije američke vanjske politike i njene globalne uloge, čini se kako je stabilna budućnost transatlantskog saveza upitna. Uz prikaz ključnih sporazuma i područja suradnje SAD-a i Europske unije te osvrta na ciljeve, izazove i posebnosti Junckerove komisije, u okviru ovog rada poseban fokus posvećuje se odnosima SAD-a i Europske unije za vrijeme mandata Jean-Claudea Junckera pri čemu je zadatak jasno prikazati razlike u vanjskopolitičkim strategijama Obame i Trumpa, kao i utjecaj promjene u vanjskoj politici SAD-a na transatlantsko partnerstvo i samu Europsku uniju. ; The strong link between the U.S. and the European Union demonstrated through a number of areas of cooperation such as trade, security and justice, energy, climate change, and education, has been severely compromised in the last years of the Juncker Commission. Given the ideological and political disagreements between the U.S. and the European Union, which are especially evident during the Trump administration and the new perception of U.S. foreign policy and its global role, the stable future of the transatlantic alliance seems questionable. In addition to outlining the key agreements and areas of EU-US cooperation and reviewing the goals, challenges, and specifics of the Juncker Commission, this paper focuses on EU-US relations during the mandate of Jean-Claude Juncker with the goal of outlining the differences in Obama's and Trump's foreign policy and its effect on the transatlantic partnership and the European Union.

Glavni cilj disertacije je analizirati ideologiju glavnih predstavnika radikalne desnice u Poljskoj. Ova doktorska disertacija dizajnirana je kao studija slučaja unutar okvira kulturalnog pristupa u političkim znanostima. Kao metoda istraživanja odabrana je kombinacija kvalitativne analize sadržaja i konceptualne analize ideologije Michaela Freedena. Iako je najveći fokus istraživanja na dvjema političkim strankama (Zakon i pravda i Liga poljskih obitelji) kao glavnim predstavnicima radikalno desne političke scene u Poljskoj, istraživanje se bavi i drugim akterima, prije svega organizacijama civilnog društva, društvenim pokretima i medijima, koji sudjeluju u konstruiranju i promoviranju ideologije radikalne desnice. Pritom istraživanje nije ograničeno na sadržaj ideologije i aktere koji tu ideologiju promoviraju, već ono uključuje i analizu procesa putem kojih se ideologija radikalne desnice eksplicira i formulira, kao i analizu dinamičnih odnosa među akterima procesa proizvodnje ideologije doprinoseći istraživanju ideologije radikalne desnice kao i istraživanju procesa konstruiranja političkih ideologija općenito. Kao polazište za navedenu analizu u disertaciji se koristi ponešto modificirana definicija radikalne desnice poznatog politologa Casa Muddea prema kojoj su konstitutivna obilježja radikalne desnice integralni nacionalizam, autoritarnost i populizam. Analizom je utvrđeno kako su sve tri ideološke karakteristike tipične za radikalnu desnicu prisutne kod glavnih aktera istraživanih u ovoj disertaciji. Na tragu konceptualne analize, ova disertacija je pokazala kako središnji konstitutivni koncept radikalno desne ideologije u Poljskoj predstavlja nacija, i kako svi ostali okolni koncepti detektirani analizom, poput solidarnosti, jednakosti šansi, pravde, demokracije, slobode, zadobivaju svoje značenje na temelju svog odnosa prema središnjem konstitutivnom obilježju ideologije. ; In the last thirty years or so, the influence of the radical right has been constantly growing throughout Europe. This political success has been accompanied by an increasingly intensive scientific research on the phenomenon of the radical right, which has resulted in several studies that address various aspects of the radical right phenomenon in Europe. Paradoxically, despite such an abundance of research papers, their review suggests that there are relatively few papers that have a systematic and in-depth approach to the political ideology of the radical right. This doctoral dissertation fills this research gap and focuses on the political ideology of the radical right, taking into account the thesis of the well-known researcher of political ideologies Michael Freeden, that political ideologies are the center of political analysis because the study of ideologies can provide relevant insights necessary for understanding politics and political processes. In the context of the debate on the wave of radicalism in Europe, Poland is a particularly interesting case. Firstly, it is the largest and most populous post-communist country that became a member of the EU and a country in which the radical right won three parliamentary and three presidential elections between 2005 and 2020. Secondly, in academic papers and media Poland is often portrayed as an example of a country that has successfully gone through the process of transformation to liberal democracy and as an example of the most successful transition economy in Europe. The Polish case is also interesting because it is a a country with more than 90% of declared Catholics and where, primarily due to historical development, Catholicism plays a significant role in political, social, and cultural life; it has become a key component of the Polish national identity. In contrast to Western European countries, in Poland Political Catholicism, did not spark the development of strong Christian- Democratic parties, it rather gave rise to radical right-wing parties instead. In addition to cultural factors, historical heritage is often considered a fertile ground for the emergence of this type of parties, especially its influence on political processes and on the processes of building a national identity. Namely, the Polish historical heritage, specifically the one related to the 20th century, was marked by a short period of democratic rule (1918-1925), and two long periods of authoritarian rule, that of Jozef Pilsudski (1925 to 1939), and that of the communist authoritarians (1945 to 1989). Thus, the main goal of the dissertation is to analyze the ideology of the main representatives of the radical right in Poland by exploring its discursive manifestations, as well as the way in which the radical right ideology is produced. This doctoral dissertation is designed as a case study within the framework of a cultural approach in political sciences. The cultural approach is characterized by the insistence on the importance of context, which, on the other hand, makes it difficult to define clear independent, dependent, and intervening variables. Therefore, in the cultural approach, a case is most often taken as the analytical unit taking into consideration all the complexity of its historical and socio-political distinctiveness. Qualitative content analysis was chosen as the research method, and conceptual analysis of Michael Freeden's ideology was added to it, since this approach allows us to better understand the morphology of ideologies and their operationalization in politics. The first chapter is about the theoretical and methodological framework. Since the concept of the radical right is one of the deeply contested concepts which there is no consensus about in political science, and since the aim of this doctoral dissertation is to explain this concept, the first part of the chapter consists of a review and analysis of recent literature. The notion of the radical right was analyzed through comparison with related terms such as the extreme right, right-wing populism, and the far right. As a starting point for analysis in the dissertation, a somewhat modified definition of the radical right by the well-known political scientist Cas Mudde is used. According to him, the constitutive features of the radical right are integral nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism. Like the concept of the radical right, the concept of ideology is also ambivalent and can be understood in different ways which result in multiple uses of the term ideology which are often contradictory. This doctoral dissertation is largely based on the morphological approach to the study of ideology developed by Michael Freeden. The second chapter deals with the history of Poland before 1989. The first part of the chapter explains the early context of the emergence of Polish nationalism, which has its roots in the 'noble democracy' of the 17th century, as well as in the national struggles for independence of the 19th century. However, the chapter focuses on two periods that significantly influenced the emergence and growth of Polish political nationalism in the early 2000s. The first is the interwar period (1918-1939) in which two traditions of Polish political thought, Sanacja and Endeca, crystallized, and from which two visions of the Polish nation, national identity, and the nation-state, emerged. The second period is after the Second World War, i.e., the period of the People's Republic of Poland in which the legitimization and institutionalization of the nationalist discourse take place. Equally, in this period there emerged and formed social groups with different visions of the Polish state after the fall of communism. The third chapter deals with the transformation of the People's Republic of Poland into the The third Republic and with an account of political and social events in the first decade after the fall of communism. This chapter sheds light on the political and social context within which the dominant social divisions in Polish society emerged, which in large part resulted in the evolution of radical right-wing parties in the early 2000s. In particular, the very nature of the transformation process emerged as the main subject of dispute. Namely, the Polish right believes that due to the contractual transformation of the system, the 'revolution' is not over and that the left-liberal groups have made an agreement with the former communist establishment. They believe that the Third Republic is a product of this agreement and that it serves the left-liberal and former communist elites to maintain positions of power and rule the The third Republic to the detriment of the oppressed people. This conspiratorial narrative represents the foundation around which the politics and ideology of the radical right have been built in Poland since 2000. The fourth chapter deals with the emergence and profiling of two radical right-wing parties, Law and Justice (Polish: Prawo I Sprawiedliwość – PiS) and the League of Polish Families (Polish: Liga Polskich Rodzin – LPR) . The chapter is structured in such a way as to first present the history of the formation of these parties, with an emphasis on the main actors who participated as the originators and implementers of these projects. In both cases, these are largely the 'family projects' of the Kaczynski brothers (Law and Justice) and father and son Giertych (League of Polish Families). From the Kaczynskis' biographies, it is obvious that they come from an environment dominated by the legacy of Sanacja, while father and son Giertych openly presents themselves as the heirs of the interwar Endecja. After presenting their political activities and the first successes in the elections, the ideology of these two parties is reconstructed, primarily from their programs and other party publications. The research showed that until 2005 both parties contained all the constitutive elements of the radical right according to Mudde's conceptualization. While these constitutive elements have been present in the League of Polish Families since its founding, the party Law and Justice gradually became radicalized. This period, at least from the perspectives of PiS and LPR, is dominated by the conflict between the post-communist elites (former communists and left-liberal intellectuals) gathered around the left Democratic Left Alliance (Polish: Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) and the so-called "patriotic' camp that emerged from Solidarity. This chapter also covers the period between 2005 and 2007 when these two parties, together with the Self-Defense party, formed a government that lasted less than two years. This first, shorter coming to power of the radical right in Poland is not important because of the public policies they pursued during that period, but because of the experience and lessons gained by PiS during its rule in the liberal democratic system. Namely, after 2007, the LPR disappeared from the Polish political scene, leaving the PiS as the only relevant political actor of the radical right. The fifth chapter covers the period between 2007 and 2015. It is the period of rule by the Civic Platform (Polish: Platforma Obywatelska, PO), a center-right party with strong pro-EU views and liberal economic and social policies. Due to the disappearance of the left from the Polish political scene, the main social and political conflict underwent a radical change. PiS formulated a new conflict – the struggle between solidarity and liberal or corporate Poland – and built its ideology around this conflict. This period in Polish political and social life was marked by the immigration crisis that hit Europe and the debate on the acceptance of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women, the so-called Istanbul Convention. Both topics as well as the pro-European orientation of the PO government led to the mobilization of radical right-wing social groups and media that skillfully occupied public space by successfully imposing their topics on the public agenda. As this dissertation will show, PiS has adapted its discourse to that of radical right-wing organizations and has successfully presented itself as their political representative. On the one hand, this 'alliance' helped the PiS succeed in the 2015 presidential and parliamentary elections, while on the other it marked the further radicalization of the PiS, especially when it comes to issues of morals and values. The sixth chapter deals with the period between 2015 and 2020. During that period, the PiS won both the presidential and the parliamentary elections twice. This chapter emphasizes how PiS translates its ideology into public policies. Namely, during this period PiS focused its efforts on two projects: 'repairing the state' and rebuilding the community (nation). The first project was marked by the judicial reform and the crisis related to the Constitutional Court; it aimed to strengthen the executive branch to the detriment of other branches of government. The PiS community reconstruction project was conceived as a change in the material and spiritual dimension of the community. The first is mostly related to social policies, the emphasis being on family policies. Changes in the spiritual dimension imply changes in cultural policy, within which there has been a reform of public media and the announcement of the "recolonization" of private media. In changing the spiritual dimension, PiS placed special emphasis on the defense of the traditional way of life on the one hand, and on the politics of history on the other, in which the Institute of National Remembrance played an exceptional role. The seventh chapter takes the form of a final discussion in which the basic theses of the radical right ideology in Poland are reconstructed. The aim of this discussion is to position the topic of this dissertation within the framework of a broader theoretical discussion between liberals and their critics. Finally, the conclusion summarizes the main research results in this doctoral dissertation and points to the possible direction of future research, especially research of countries with a strong radical right and with a similar historical and cultural heritage. Equally, the conclusion points to the fact that this dissertation has not fully answered the research question related to finding out how ideology is constructed, and the actors involved in the process. Namely, the problem was the research design and selection of the analysis method. The conclusion is that a more complete answer to this research question would require some field research, preferably using the method of interview or survey. Finally, we believe that some future research on ideology should move in that direction.

Suradnja EU–a i Rusije pruža europskom kontinentu i šire mnoge prilike. Istočno partnerstvo predstavlja glavnu poveznicu ali i područje prepreka Rusije i EU–a jer dijele zajedničko susjedstvo sa zemljama koje nisu članice EU–a a niti žele biti pod kontinuiranim utjecajem Rusije. Za zemlje koje nisu članice EU–a, EU je razvila Europsku politiku susjedstva putem koje surađuje sa južnim i istočnim susjedima kako bi postigla blisku i stabilnu političku zajednicu i najviši mogući stupanj ekonomske integracije. Rusija nije članica ovog instrumenta već je s EU-om razvila četiri zajednička prostora, ekonomski prostor, prostor slobode, sigurnosti i pravde, prostor vanjske sigurnosti i prostor istraživanja i obrazovanja te kulturnih aspekata. Najvažnija područja suradnje EU–a i Rusije jesu ona u energetskom sektoru pri kojem ima usuglašen Akcijski plan do 2050. godine te suradnja u području znanosti, tehnologije i inovacija što je među glavnim prioritetima Europe 2020 te je Rusiji bitno i jačanje razvoja istraživačke infrastrukture. ; Cooperation between European Union and Russia offers plenty opportunities to European continent and beyond its boundaries. Eastern Partnership is the main connection but also a barrier of Russia and EU because of their common neighbourhood with countries which are not members of the EU, and also do not want to be under continuous Russian influence. For countries that are not members of the EU, European Union developed European Neighbourhood Policy which cooperates with South and East neighbours so it could achieve close and sustainable political community and the highest possible level of economic integration. Russia is not a member of this instrument but instead it developed four common spaces with EU, economic space, freedom, security and justice, external security and research and education, including cultural aspects. The most important areas of cooperation between the two sides are the one in energy sector with established Roadmap until 2050, cooperation in science, technology and ...

Suradnja EU–a i Rusije pruža europskom kontinentu i šire mnoge prilike. Istočno partnerstvo predstavlja glavnu poveznicu ali i područje prepreka Rusije i EU–a jer dijele zajedničko susjedstvo sa zemljama koje nisu članice EU–a a niti žele biti pod kontinuiranim utjecajem Rusije. Za zemlje koje nisu članice EU–a, EU je razvila Europsku politiku susjedstva putem koje surađuje sa južnim i istočnim susjedima kako bi postigla blisku i stabilnu političku zajednicu i najviši mogući stupanj ekonomske integracije. Rusija nije članica ovog instrumenta već je s EU-om razvila četiri zajednička prostora, ekonomski prostor, prostor slobode, sigurnosti i pravde, prostor vanjske sigurnosti i prostor istraživanja i obrazovanja te kulturnih aspekata. Najvažnija područja suradnje EU–a i Rusije jesu ona u energetskom sektoru pri kojem ima usuglašen Akcijski plan do 2050. godine te suradnja u području znanosti, tehnologije i inovacija što je među glavnim prioritetima Europe 2020 te je Rusiji bitno i jačanje razvoja istraživačke infrastrukture. ; Cooperation between European Union and Russia offers plenty opportunities to European continent and beyond its boundaries. Eastern Partnership is the main connection but also a barrier of Russia and EU because of their common neighbourhood with countries which are not members of the EU, and also do not want to be under continuous Russian influence. For countries that are not members of the EU, European Union developed European Neighbourhood Policy which cooperates with South and East neighbours so it could achieve close and sustainable political community and the highest possible level of economic integration. Russia is not a member of this instrument but instead it developed four common spaces with EU, economic space, freedom, security and justice, external security and research and education, including cultural aspects. The most important areas of cooperation between the two sides are the one in energy sector with established Roadmap until 2050, cooperation in science, technology and innovation which is included as the main priority of Europe 2020 and it is also important the development of the research infrastructure in Russia.

Od Teorije pravednosti do Prava narodâ liberalizam Johna Rawlsa razvija se od individualizma do jednog specifičnog oblika tzv. »komunitarističkog liberalizma«. U Teoriji Rawls će govoriti o pojedincu i njegovoj dužnosti izbjegavanja rata (građanskom neposlušnošću) dok će u Pravu narodâ govoriti o društvu i dužnosti dobro uređenih naroda na pokretanje rata ako su ugrožena ljudska prava. Prva je perspektiva individualna i miroljubiva, dok je druga društvena i ne čini se baš pacifističkom. Prva kao da je protumačena iz perspektive običnog građanina liberalne ustavne demokracije, dok je druga više nalik tumačenju nekoga tko ima moć. U tom razvoju Rawlsova liberalizma intrigira potencijalni sukob između pojedinca i društva što je osobito uočljivo u njegovu shvaćanju odbijanja sudjelovanja ili opravdanja sudjelovanja u ratu. ; From the Theory of Justice to the Law of Peoples liberalism of John Rawls develops from individualism to one specific form of the so¬called "Communitarian liberalism". In the Theory Rawls discussed the individual and his duty to avoid war (civil disobedience), while in the Law of Peoples he discussed society and the duties of well¬organized Nations to launch war if human rights are endangered. The first perspective is individualistic and peaceful, while the other is more social and does not seem too pacifist. The first seems interpreted from the perspective of an ordinary citizen of liberal constitutional democracy, while the other is more like an interpretation from someone who holds the power. In that development of Rawls' liberalism, what is intriguing is the potential conflict between individuals and society, which is particularly evident in his understanding of refusal to participate or justification to participate in war.

U radu se prikazuju rezultati istraživanja ustroja i djelovanja Izvršnog vijeća Sabora SRH u ustavnom razdoblju 1963-1974. Rad Izvršnog vijeća prati se kroz četiri mandatna razdoblja: četvrto 27. lipnja 1963.-11. svibnja 1967, peto 11. svibnja 1967.-9. svibnja 1969, šesto 9. svibnja 1969.-7. siječnja 1972. te sedmo 7. siječnja 1972.-8. svibnja 1974. Rezultati istraživanja temelje se na analizi arhivskog gradiva fondova Izvršno vijeće Sabora SRH 1953-1990. i Sabor SRH 1945-1982. u Hrvatskom državnom arhivu, te propisa i drugih akata objavljenih u službenim listovima. U radu se donosi sistematizirani pregled svih članova po mandatnim razdobljima, pregled propisima definirane nadležnosti i unutarnjeg ustroja te analiza obilježja i rezultata rada Izvršnog vijeća u promatranom razdoblju. ; The article presents Executive Council of Parliament of Socialist Republic of Croatia (1963-1974), as one of the central governing institutions, with special interest in its organization, functions and activity. The first chapter gives an overview of the provisions about constitution and procedure of members' election. Four mandate periods were established within which the activity of the Executive Council should be monitored: The fourth mandate from 27th June 1963 till 11th May 1967, the fifth mandate from 11th May 1967 till 9th May 1969, the sixth mandate from 9th May 1969 till 7th January 1972 and the seventh mandate from 7th January 1972 till 8th May 1974. The same chapter brings the list of all members organized according to mandates. The second chapter gives an overview of the functions defined in regulations. The next chapter gives an analysis of its organization, divided in four parts: guidance of Executive Council, working bodies (boards, commissions, workgroups), councils and committees, and administrative and professional service. The last chapter gives an analysis of the activity of Executive Council. It is concluded that the most of the activity concerns the discussion of questions related to economy and finances, organization of central Republic's institutions, republican and regional (local) governing bodies, as well as system of justice, security and home affairs. As well, follow questions related to education, science and culture, health care system and social policy, labour relations, foreign affairs and international relations.