Suchergebnisse

The text focuses on the analysis of the social policies of the Bolivarian Revolution, which have been developed as Social Missions, framing them in the philosophy of the political left and its conception of equality. Since 2003, the Social Missions brought a new way of understanding the notions of social policy and social inclusion, moved the bureaucracy of the State and were built based on the notion of urgency to combat poverty and inequality. They focus mainly on the principles of equality and social justice. The missions express an access to the social policy that has an emotional ingredient, its response to social demands is produced by non-institutional mechanisms, which try to strengthen or create a personal bond between the complainants and the political leaders together with their officials closest. ; El texto se centra en el análisis de las políticas sociales de la Revolución Bolivariana, que se han desarrollado como Misiones Sociales, enmarcándolas en la filosofía de la izquierda política y su concepción de igualdad. Desde 2003, las Misiones Sociales trajeron una nueva manera de entender las nociones de política social e inclusión social, conmovieron la burocracia del Estado y se construyeron con base en la noción de urgencia para combatir la pobreza y la inequidad. Se enfocan principalmente en los principios de igualdad y justicia social. Las misiones expresan un acceso a la política social que tiene un ingrediente emocional, su respuesta a las demandas sociales se produce por mecanismos no institucionales, que intentan fortalecer o crear un vínculo personal entre las y los sujetos demandantes y los líderes políticos junto con sus funcionarios más cercanos. Summary The text focuses on the analysis of the social policies of the Bolivarian Revolution, which have developed as Social Missions, framing them in the philosophy of the political left andits conception of equality. Since 2003, the Social Missions brought a new way of understanding the notions of social policy and social inclusion, moved the state bureaucracy and were built based on the notion of urgency to combat poverty and inequality. They focus primarily on the principles of equality and social justice. The missions express access to social policy that has an emotional ingredient, its response to social demands is produced by non-institutional mechanisms that try to strengthen or create a personal link between the plaintiffs subjects and political leaders along with his closest officials.

The purpose of the present work is to analyze one of the key social policy strategies of the Mexican government, which focuses on addressing the problem of extreme poverty in Mexico. We are referring to the strategy called Crusade against Hunger. The Mexican Ministry of Social Development has defined said Crusade as an inclusive strategy aimed at social welfare, originally focusing on a population of 7.01 million people who are deemed to live in extreme poverty and who experience food deprivation. From its inception, the strategy in question was announced as one of the core ideas of the social development policy of the present Mexican administration. The critical review of the abovementioned strategy will allow us to establish the scope of the same, and to determine whether it is really a strategy as well as a new generation social policy. It will also allow us to ascertain if the strategy in question would minimize or eradicate the problem of poverty, and the effect it has on narrowing the inequality gap brought about by neoliberal policies. ; El propósito del presente trabajo es analizar una de las estrategias de política social, orientada a atender el problema de la pobreza extrema en México. Nos referiremos a la estrategia denominada Cruzada contra el Hambre, definida por la Secretaría de Desarrollo Social, como una estrategia de inclusión y bienestar social, enfocada originalmente a una población de 7.01 millones de personas consideradas en pobreza extrema con carencia alimentaria. La revisión crítica de la Estrategia permitirá establecer el alcance de la misma, si se trata de una estrategia y de una política social de nueva generación, si amortigua o erradica el problema de la pobreza y el efecto que tiene en reducir la brecha de desigualdad provocada por las políticas neoliberales.

In Argentina, the politics of economic globalization developed from the 1990s was characterized by economic liberalization and its reorientation towards external markets. But substantial technological modernization and adjustment policies eventually produce rising unemployment and reduced spending on social benefits. Public policies are interpreted only action the social sectors, biased state capacity to respond to the effects caused by the economic policies and reducing its performance to emergency situations. Social policies arising from these policies were characterized by a high cost allocated budget for implementation and results do little to solve the problems of poverty. Social programs have become a social control mechanism, through which actors with greater power have a strong influence to legitimate perspectives and ideologies in the areas of poverty. Focused in this way, the field of social assistance ends up producing a bureaucratization of public policy and a higher profile fragmented characterized by the breakdown of the actions, the lack of competition and unequal distribution of resources. ; En Argentina, la política de globalización económica desarrollada a partir de la década de 1990 se caracterizó por la apertura económica y su reorientación hacia el mercado externo. Pero, la modernización tecnológica importante y políticas de ajuste que terminaron produciendo el aumento del desempleo y la reducción del gasto público en coberturas sociales. Las políticas públicas se interpretaron sólo a la acción de los sectores sociales, parcializando la capacidad del Estado de responder a los efectos ocasionados por las políticas económicas y reduciendo su actuación a situaciones de emergencias. Las políticas sociales derivadas de estas políticas públicas, se caracterizaron por destinar un alto costo presupuestario para su implementación y resultados poco eficaces para resolver los problemas derivados de la pobreza. Los programas sociales se convirtieron en un mecanismo de control social, a través de los ...

This manuscript aims to contribute to the debate around the political production of family care in the Spanish context. The objective of this work is to question the relationship between gender and care within the framework of Act 39/2006, of 14th December, on the Promotion of Personal Autonomy and Care for Dependent Persons. Our main interest is to know how Spanish public policy related to social services builds and shapes a whole network of public action that transmits, reinforces and (re) produces gender inequalities. We use a qualitative-interpretative methodological approach. We rely on the documentary review, on the discourse analysis of legislative norms and the exploitation of secondary data extracted from the Spanish Public System for Autonomy and Attention to Dependency. Among the primary results, it is highlighted that the Spanish public policy of attention to dependency is deployed under a family concept, with responsibility for the care of women. The Public Dependency System emphasizes traditional gender roles and helps legitimize existing patterns of inequality. We conclude reporting about the need to reformulate the implementation of this System to disengage families, especially women, from care. The theoretical proposal that is defended is to move towards a public model of social provision that is fair and equitable in the field of gender equality. ; Este artículo pretende contribuir al debate en torno a la producción política de los cuidados familiares en el contexto español. El objetivo de este trabajo es cuestionar la relación entre el género y los cuidados en el marco de la Ley 39/2006 de Promoción de la autonomía personal y atención a las personas en situación de dependencia. Nuestro principal interés es indagar cómo la política pública española relacionada con los servicios sociales construye y configuran todo un entramado de acción pública que transmite, refuerza y (re)produce las desigualdades de género. Utilizamos un enfoque metodológico cualitativo-interpretativo. Nos apoyamos en la revisión documental, en el análisis de discurso de normas legislativas y en la explotación de datos secundarios extraídos del Sistema público español para la Autonomía y Atención a la Dependencia. Entre los principales resultados se destaca que la política pública española de atención a la dependencia se despliega bajo una concepción familista, responsabilizando del cuidado a las mujeres. El Sistema público de dependencia enfatiza los roles tradicionales de género y contribuye a legitimar los patrones de desigualdad existentes. Concluimos el artículo advirtiendo la necesidad de reformular la implementación de este Sistema al objeto de desresponsabilizar a las familias, especialmente a las mujeres, del cuidado. La propuesta teórica que se defiende pasa por avanzar hacia un modelo público de provisión social que sea justo y equitativo en el ámbito de la igualdad de género.

Based on the Mexican case, after an evident failure of social policies as effective instruments to fight poverty during neoliberal government terms (1982-2018) and arguing in favor of the convenience of submitting it to a profound reorientation, the present article postulate a thesis where the confluence of interests between the new federal government, that took office on December 1, 2018, and the cooperative and social solidarity economy movement could be produced when social policies abandon their old clientelist, assistance and paternalistic inclinations, in order to assume a citizens' capabilities and skills development focus. Only under these conditions, organized civil society could take responsibility for the solution of their own problems at a local level, counting with a strong and consistent support from governmental institutions.

Editorial ; Balance de fin de año ; Aguilera, Oscar ; Presentación. ; Aguilera, Oscar ; Populismo, democracia y política social en Venezuela. ; Populism, democracy and Venezuelan social policy. ; Alvarado Chacín, Neritza ; Cultura tributaria y contribuyentes: Datos y aspectos metodológicos. ; Tributary culture and taxpayers: Data and methodological aspects. ; Méndez Peña, María; Morales, Nelson; Aguilera, Oscar ; Método etnográfico y trabajo social: Algunos aportes para las áreas de investigación e intervención social. ; Ethnographic method and social work: Some contributions for the research areas and social intervention. ; Gómez Sánchez, Irey Coromoto; Rodríguez Gutiérrez, Luis; Alarcón, Luis ; Intervención sobre la imagen urbana en centros tradicionales. Proyecto de renovación urbana: Funicular-trolebús, Mérida, Venezuela. ; Intervention over urban image in traditional centers. Urban renovation project: Cable-car and trolley in Mérida, Venezuela. ; Gil Scheuren, Beatríz María; Briceño Ávila, Morella ; "Oriana" de Fina Torres: Un lugar para el discurso femenino. ; Fina Torres' Oriana: A place to the femenine discourse. ; Arreaza, Emperatriz ; Aspectos éticos del uso de la realidad virtual en la enseñanza de la anatomía humana. ; Ethic aspects about the use of virtual reality in the human anatomy teaching. ; Zambrano Ferre, Alejandro ; Aportes para formar un individuo integral en la educación superior venezolana. ; Contributions to form a integral individual in higher education. ; Romero González, Adolfo; Hernández, Marbelys; Hernández Rojas, María; Graterol, Mireya; Márquez Sulbarán, Moraima ; Codificación prosódica de la información incidental en el discurso espontáneo. Un estudio de caso. ; Prosodic codification of incidental information in the spontaneous discourse. A study case. ; Asuaje, Rosa Amelia; Blondet, Maria Alejandra; Mora Gallardo, Elsa; Rojas F., Enrique L. ; Algunos términos del español colonia venezolano en causas sobre comercio ilegal de urao y chimó en Mérida, siglos XVIII y XIX. ; Some expressions of the Venezuelan colonial spanish in causes on the illegal trade of urao and chimó in Mérida from 18th and 19th centuries. ; Urbina, Jorge Ender; Ramos, Elvira; Rodríguez LorenZo, Miguel Ángel ; Indice acumulado ; 305-331 ; nalvarado@intercable.net.ve; neritzaalvarado@yahoo.es ; trimestral ; Nivel analítico

This article shows a synthetic point of view about the general characteristics of the labour and social political model, applied in the Cuban socialist transition. It evalua-tes the achievements (wide social inclusion, high occupation, low unemployment), as well as, the weakness related with the above mentioned model, mainly the salary low capacities to satisfies the worker basic necessities. The current economical reform and their potential to overcome this problem are described. ; El artículo ofrece un panorama sintético de las características generales del modelo de política social y laboral puesto en práctica en la transición socialista cubana y valora sus logros (amplia inclusión social, altas tasas de ocupación, bajo desempleo), así como, sus debilidades, principalmente las vinculadas a la baja capacidad de los ingresos salariales de los trabajadores para satisfacer las necesidades básicas. Describe la actual etapa de reforma económica y su potencial esperado con el fin de superar o no, estos problemas.

Real natural that has Latin America and the Caribbean areone of the potential wealth for the development of theregion. Throughout its history, in several stages, thesecountries became some of the most flourishing of the worldthanks to the production of metals and precious stones, sugar, rubber, grains, coffee, and oil, primary commodities, the existence of extensive courses surface water, largeaquifers, coasts and seas delicious in production, geneticbiodiversity, etc., which in many ways, they have altered the course of history in the world in general and in Latin Americaand the Caribbean in particular. After several decades of exploitation and subjugation, hasbeen strengthening from the end of the 1990s, mostvigorous processes of democratization, as a result of newsocial movements that claim and participate as politicalactors, and they try to transform the hegemonic relations ofpower through a collective construction, responding to thespecificities of each society and to the context in which theyoperate. Currently the richest 10% is owner of 48% of the total annualincome, and the poorest 10%, only of 1.6%, constituting thisinequality, one of the causes of poverty in Latin America andthe Caribbean, as in the rest of the world. Is for this reasonthat the reconsideration of new approaches in policie sundertaken by States constitutes a new generation of socialpolicies in the region. ; Los bienes naturales que posee América Latina y del Caribe constituyen una de las riquezas potenciales para el desarrollo de la región. A través de su historia, en varias etapas, estos países llegaron a ser algunos de los más florecientes del mundo gracias a la producción de metales y piedras preciosas, azúcar, caucho, granos, café y petróleo; bienes primarios, la existencia de extensos cursos superficiales de agua, grandes acuíferos, costas y mares riquísimos en producción, biodiversidad genética, etc., que en muchas formas han alterado el curso de la historia en el mundo, América Latina y del Caribe en particular. Después de varias décadas de explotación y sometimiento, se ha ido fortaleciendo, a partir de fines de los noventa, procesos cada vez más pujantes de democratización, como consecuencia de nuevos movimientos sociales que reclaman y participan como actores políticos, e intentan transformar las relaciones hegemónicas de poder mediante una construcción colectiva, que responde a las especificidades de cada sociedad y al contexto en el cual se desenvuelven. En la actualidad, el 10% más rico es dueño del 48,4% del ingreso anual total; el 10% más pobre, sólo del 1,6%, constituyendo esta inequidad como una de las causas de la pobreza en América Latina y del Caribe, como en el resto del orbe. Es por esto que el replanteo de nuevos enfoques en las políticas encaradas por los estados, constituye una nueva generación de políticas sociales en la región.

The World Bank Report 2012 starts with this statement: "Gender equality matters in itself andit matters for development because, in today's globalized worlds, countries that use the skillsand talents of their women would have an advantage over those which do not use it." With theframe that suggest that gender equality matters, this paper describes some policy alternativesoriented to overcome gender disadvantages in the formal labor market incorporation of theurban middle class women in Colombia. On balance, the final recommendation suggest that itis desirable to adopt policy alternatives as Community Centers, which are programs orientedto a social redistribution of the domestic work as a way to encourage women participationin the formal labor market with the social support of the members of their own community.The problem that the social policy needs to address is the segregation of women in the formallabor market in Colombia. Although the evidence shows that the women overcome theeducational gap by showing better performance in education that their male peers, womenare still segregated of the labor market. The persistence of high rates of unemployment on thefemale population, the prevalence of the informal labor market as a women labor market, andthe presence of the payment difference between men and women with similar professionaltrainings are circumstances that sustain the segregation statement. These circumstances areinefficient for the society because an economic analysis shows that the cost of maintain the statuquo is externalized in the social security system that includes health, pension and maternityleave regimens. Therefore, the women segregation involves a market failure.This paper evaluates five policy alternatives each directed to the progress of a different causaldimension of the problem: (i) Quotas in the private market, (ii) Flexible working hours,(iii) replace the maternity leave with a family leave, (iv) Increase the Community Centers forredistributing the care work, and (v) Equal payment enforcement. The first alternative looksto increase women's participation in the formal labor market. The second, third, and fourthalternatives constitute a package addressed at redistributing care work by reducing women'sresponsibility for reproductive work in the household with the help of husbands and the localgovernment. The fifth alternative intervenes to resolve the equal payment problem.After a four criteria evaluation that measure effectiveness, robustness and improbability inimplementation, efficiency and political acceptability or social opposition, the strongest alternativeis the fostering of Community Centers that promote a redistribution of care work. Thispolicy performs well in the assessment process because it combines gender focus with importantindirect effects: child support and human capabilities. The policy also shows a bottomup implementation process that overcomes the main adoption difficulties in the gender focusprograms and is supported by strong evidence of success in the Colombian context; this evidenceis produced by both transnational actors as a World Bank and also in local accountabilityreporters executed by local institutions like Colombian Institute of Family Welfare (ICBF).

The World Bank Report 2012 starts with this statement: "Gender equality matters in itself andit matters for development because, in today's globalized worlds, countries that use the skillsand talents of their women would have an advantage over those which do not use it." With theframe that suggest that gender equality matters, this paper describes some policy alternativesoriented to overcome gender disadvantages in the formal labor market incorporation of theurban middle class women in Colombia. On balance, the final recommendation suggest that itis desirable to adopt policy alternatives as Community Centers, which are programs orientedto a social redistribution of the domestic work as a way to encourage women participationin the formal labor market with the social support of the members of their own community.The problem that the social policy needs to address is the segregation of women in the formallabor market in Colombia. Although the evidence shows that the women overcome theeducational gap by showing better performance in education that their male peers, womenare still segregated of the labor market. The persistence of high rates of unemployment on thefemale population, the prevalence of the informal labor market as a women labor market, andthe presence of the payment difference between men and women with similar professionaltrainings are circumstances that sustain the segregation statement. These circumstances areinefficient for the society because an economic analysis shows that the cost of maintain the statuquo is externalized in the social security system that includes health, pension and maternityleave regimens. Therefore, the women segregation involves a market failure.This paper evaluates five policy alternatives each directed to the progress of a different causaldimension of the problem: (i) Quotas in the private market, (ii) Flexible working hours,(iii) replace the maternity leave with a family leave, (iv) Increase the Community Centers forredistributing the care work, and (v) Equal payment enforcement. The first alternative looksto increase women's participation in the formal labor market. The second, third, and fourthalternatives constitute a package addressed at redistributing care work by reducing women'sresponsibility for reproductive work in the household with the help of husbands and the localgovernment. The fifth alternative intervenes to resolve the equal payment problem.After a four criteria evaluation that measure effectiveness, robustness and improbability inimplementation, efficiency and political acceptability or social opposition, the strongest alternativeis the fostering of Community Centers that promote a redistribution of care work. Thispolicy performs well in the assessment process because it combines gender focus with importantindirect effects: child support and human capabilities. The policy also shows a bottomup implementation process that overcomes the main adoption difficulties in the gender focusprograms and is supported by strong evidence of success in the Colombian context; this evidenceis produced by both transnational actors as a World Bank and also in local accountabilityreporters executed by local institutions like Colombian Institute of Family Welfare (ICBF).

The general theme addressed is the contemporary situation of the Yaqui Tribe in northwesternMexico, for their own indigenous forms of government and social policy developed by the Mexican stateand federal governments between 1989 and 2003. During this period we implemented the ComprehensiveDevelopment Plan of the Yaqui tribe based on self-important of the Yaquis with nancial support fromboth the federal and state government. From this, we analyze some descriptive elements of indigenousorganizational aspect of Mexican social policy from a theoretical perspective that accounts for differentsituations. Particularly Yaqui political practice within the framework of ethnicity, namely the constructionof this practice over time through the relationship with the Mexican government and other external agentsunder a complex system of domination, including political, economic, social and cultural, that make up acurrent scenario of mutual influence and dependence. ; The general theme addressed is the contemporary situation of the Yaqui Tribe in northwesternMexico, for their own indigenous forms of government and social policy developed by the Mexican stateand federal governments between 1989 and 2003. During this period we implemented the ComprehensiveDevelopment Plan of the Yaqui tribe based on self-important of the Yaquis with nancial support fromboth the federal and state government. From this, we analyze some descriptive elements of indigenousorganizational aspect of Mexican social policy from a theoretical perspective that accounts for differentsituations. Particularly Yaqui political practice within the framework of ethnicity, namely the constructionof this practice over time through the relationship with the Mexican government and other external agentsunder a complex system of domination, including political, economic, social and cultural, that make up acurrent scenario of mutual influence and dependence.

During the period 2000-2006, the increase that underwent the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD), in their levels of party identification in Mexico City, had no emotional significance such as the original theoretical formulation suggests is based towards a party membership (Campbell et.al., 1960). On the other hand, the development of the perredismo obeyed a logic of government performance based on the construction of support by way of social policy, which generated a schema of loyalty or partisanship rational that is based on parameters of assessment different to Fiona Morris (1981) has postulated and the model of Responsible Party Model.The strategy of verification of this hypothesis, was based on an analysis at an aggregate level who contain, with its own database, verify the existence of a linear relationship between the independent variables of expenses in the four programs that included transfers of direct income and the perredismo in each of the 16 political delegations that divides Mexico City.The base is built with data of the following programs: 1. Program of Assistant to Older Adults; 2. Program of Support to the Employment; 3. Scholarship Program, and 4. Program of Assistant to Handicap People, and have the data corresponding to the levels of perredismo of each year indexed by delegation from the data provided by the Research Department of Grupo Reforma.With the purpose of verify the existence or the absence of linear relations between independent expenses variables and the perredismo, there is designed a model of regression in form of a panel that allowed a follow-up of the increase in levels of perredismo in the delegations (transverse units) along the time.Key Words: Social policy, Revolutionary Democratic Party, Responsible Party Model, Clientelism, Patronage, Mexico City

En este artículo se analiza cómo los procesos de políticas sociales construyen una verdad y en su ejecución definen subjetividades. A partir de la película: Yo, Daniel Blake, se define el silencio del Estado y de las políticas sociales frente a las demandas de los ciudadanos y su implicación en la subjetividad, aparecen las políticas sociales como dispositivos de constitución de los sujetos que los definen por lo que poseen y no por lo que son. Se considera como marco analítico el modelo de igualdad de oportunidades y el de igualdad de posiciones, definidos por Dubet, como dos lógicas diferentes para definir la identidad de los sujetos, pues mientras en el modelo de igualdad de oportunidades la identidad encadena, subordina y descalifica a los sujetos para conseguir asistencia social, en el modelo de igualdad de posiciones esa identidad representa una oportunidad de reciprocidad y participación. Se concluye que para que los procesos de participación social sean efectivos y justos se requiere el análisis crítico desde las políticas sociales sobre el lugar que se les asigna a los individuos beneficiarios de esas políticas, se requiere escuchar a esos individuos y construir una relación de reconocimiento de ese otro. ; This article analyzes how social policy processes construct a truth and define subjectivities in their execution. From the film: I, Daniel Blake, the silence of the State and social policies is defined in the face of the demands of citizens and their involvement in subjectivity, then social policies appear as constitutional devices of the subjects that define them for what they possess and not for what they are. The model of equality of opportunities and that of equality of positions, defined by Dubet, are considered as an analytical framework as two different logics to define the identity of the subjects, because while in the model of equal opportunities identity chains, subordinates and disqualifies to the subjects to obtain social assistance, in the model of equality of positions that identity ...

The article develops a political analysis of the evolution of the IMF's social policy paradigm over the last three decades. We propose that the process of incorporation and change of social policy at the IMF was gradual and far from homogeneous, and reflects a strategic balance of the organization between external agendas, the legitimacy of the economic policies promoted and its institutional conception. Following a qualitative methodological strategy and based on official documents and academic literature, we identify three stages: the emergence of social safety nets, in which social policy was transitory, focused and scarce; a transition in which the concept was broadened towards social protection, yet with a vague definition; and the post-2008 crisis stage that reaches the present day, when the IMF adopted the social protection floor paradigm. This translated into the progressive inclusion of social spending conditionalities in agreements with low and -later- middleincome countries, which recognizes the permanent nature of State intervention in social issues and the targeted and extended (tending towards universality) scope of these measures. ; El artículo desarrolla un análisis político de la evolución del paradigma de política social del FMI durante las tres últimas décadas. Proponemos que el proceso de incorporación y cambio de la política social en el FMI fue gradual y para nada homogéneo, y refleja un equilibrio estratégico del organismo entre las agendas externas, la legitimidad de las políticas económicas promovidas y su concepción institucional. Siguiendo una estrategia metodológica cualitativa y basados en documentos oficiales y bibliografía secundaria, identificamos tres etapas: el surgimiento de las redes de seguridad social, en la cual la política social era transitoria, focalizada y magra; una transición en la que el concepto se amplió hacia la protección social, aunque con definición vaga; y la etapa pos crisis de 2008 que llega a la actualidad, cuando el FMI adoptó el paradigma del piso de protección social. Este se tradujo en la inclusión progresiva de condicionalidades de gasto social en los acuerdos con países de ingreso bajo y —luego— medio, que reconoce el carácter permanente de la intervención del Estado en temas sociales y el alcance tanto focalizado como extendido (tendiente a la universalidad) de estas medidas.

in this article I reflect on the rethinking of European social policies in times of change and adaptation of Member States' policies to the new conditions, defined as economic globalisation and international competition. My role, when drafting these lines, has been twofold. On the one hand, to highlight the theoretical weaknesses of the impoverished dominant economic model, dedicated to competitiveness and growth, which are emotionally reflected in calls for humanitarian values, moral values and solidarity. On the other hand, I express my concern about the appropriateness of the voluntary and philanthropic formulas, advocated as a solution to repair the problems created by our globalised economy. ; En este artículo reflexiono sobre el replanteamiento de las políticas sociales europeas, en momentos de cambio y adaptación de las políticas de los Estados a las nuevas condiciones, definidas como de globalización económica y competencia internacional. Mi cometido, al redactar estas líneas, ha sido doble. De una parte, poner de relieve las debilidades teóricas del empobrecido modelo económico dominante, consagrado a la competitividad y el crecimiento, que tienen su reflejo emotivo en las apelaciones a valores humanitarios, la moral, y la solidaridad. De otra, expresar mi inquietud sobre la idoneidad de las fórmulas voluntaristas y filantrópicas, propugnadas como solución para reparar los problemas producidos por nuestra economía globalizada.