U savremenim društvima se smatra da visoko obrazovanje ima značajnu ulogu za ekonomski razvoj tako što obezbeđuje kvalifikovanu radnu snagu, ekonomsku konkurentnost, produktivnost, političku stabilnost i stvaranje demokratskog društva. Predmet rada je da se predstave i kritički ispitaju sociološka stanovišta koja pripadaju funkcionalističkoj i institucionalističkoj paradigmi koje na različite načine tumače značaj obrazovanja za razvoj društva. Prvi cilj je da se predstavi na koji način autori koji pripadaju ovim teorijskim pravcima opisuju ulogu obrazovanja u ekonomskom i političkom razvoju. Drugi cilj je da se ispita na koji način isti autori tumače značaj visokog obrazovanja za pojedince: za zaposlenje, napredovanje i životne šanse. Funkcionalistička paradigma smatra da je visoko obrazovanje neophodno za tehnološki, ekonomski i društveni napredak, jer priprema pojedince za rad u odgovarajućem segmentu kapitalističke ekonomije i povezana je sa shvatanjem progresa i pojmova: modernist, profesionalizacija i racionalizacija. Institucionalistička perspektiva takođe pokazuje da je obrazovni sistem strukturalno povezan sa nastankom moderne privrede i nacionalne države, da ima alokativnu funkciju i da na taj način utiče na životne šanse pojedinaca. Za razliku od funkcionalističke, institicionalistička perspektiva naglašava ideološku i legitimacijsku stranu ovih procesa i značaj pridaje političkim faktorima u odnosu na ekonomske faktore. Preispitivanjem i suočavanjem različitih teorijskih polazišta ukazuje se na kompleksan odnos obrazovanja i šireg društva. Stoga je potrebno kontinuirano ispitivati suprotstavljena stanovišta koja ovoj temi prilaze na različite načine. Jedino celovito i kritičko teorijsko promatranje ovih procesa može imati značajne implikacije za kreiranje obrazovnih politika, kao i sveobuhvatnijih reformi društva. ; In modern societies, higher education is considered to be playing a significant role in economic development by providing skilled labor, economic competitiveness, productivity, political stability and building a democratic society. The subject of this paper is to present and critically review sociological standpoints belonging to functionalist and institutionalist paradigm which interpret the importance of education for development of a society in a different way. The first objective is to present how authors belonging to these theoretical concepts describe the role of education in economic and political development. The second objective is to examine how these authors interpret the importance of higher education for individuals: for their employment, promotion and life chances. The functionalist paradigm holds that higher education is necessary for technological, economic and social progress, as it prepares individuals for work in the relevant segment of capitalist economy and is linked to understanding of progress and concepts of modernity, professionalization and rationalization. The institutionalist perspective also shows that education system is structurally linked to emergence of modern economy and the nation-state, that it has an allocative function and thus affects the life chances of individuals. Unlike the functionalist, the institutionalist perspective emphasizes the ideology and legitimacy of these processes and attaches importance to political rather than economic factors. By reviewing and confronting different theoretical starting points, a complex relationship between education and wider society is revealed. It is therefore necessary to continually examine the opposing viewpoints that approach this topic in a different way. Only a comprehensive and critical theoretical observation of these processes can have significant implications for creating educational policies and far-reaching societal reforms. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"
Predmet ovog rada jeste prikaz javno-privatnih partnerstava kao instrumenta za koji se pretpostavlja da bi, ukoliko bi se primenjivao prvenstveno na lokalnom, ali i na višim nivoima upravljanja, omoguéio vlastima u svakoj zemlji brži i kvalitetniji ekonomski razvoj društva. Iskustva moderno uređenih demokratskih društava u decentralizaciji vlasti po principima subsidijariteta i fiskalnog federalizma daju uvid u set mera i principa stvaranja dobrog poslovnog okruženja kao prim amog faktora privlačenja kapitala, a time i opšteg razvoj a države. Javno-privatna partnerstva su kao najsloženiji i najnoviji instrument podsticanja ekonomskog razvoja modemih država od posebnog značaja. Još uvek u fazi razvoja i u primeni u nekolicini najrazvijenijih demokratija, pred ovim složenim instrumentom tek leže pravi izazovi i budućnost. Stoga je cilj ovog rada prepoznavanje važnosti najsloženijeg instrumenata za podsticanje ekonomskog razvoja, a to su javno-privatna partnerstva i njihovo poznavanje u teoriji i kroz primenu u praksi. Ono je od velikog značaja sadašnjim i budućim kadrovima koji rade u javnoj upravi Srbije na svim nivoima. Naučni značaj ove teme j e u sistematskom prikazu i analizi modela javno-privatnih partnerstava. JPP su aktuelna tek od 90-ih godina, zemlje EU tek početkom 21.veka osnivaju posebna tela koja se pri vladama bave JPP, a Evropska komisija je tek 2004. izdala Zelenu knjigu o JPP, koja delimitino defunse i analizira JPP. Iz naučnog proizlazi i društveni značaj ovog rada, a to je bolje razumevanje JPP, podizanje svesti sadašnjih i buduéih kadrova u javnoj upravi o njihovom značaju i spremnosti da u predstojeéim reformama ispravno i kvalifikovano zastupaju interese društva u čije ime rade. Osim kao doprinos teoriji o javnoj upravi, ovaj rad ima veći značaj kao priručnik organima te iste uprave u poznavanju i primeni JPP kao instrumenta kojim se podstiče ekonomski razvoj. ; This paper focuses on the presentation of public-private partnerships (PPPs) as instruments which are assumed to enable faster economical development of municipalities and the country in total, for the authority of our country, if firstly applied locally, but then also on higher levels of management. The experiences of the modem democratic societies in the area of decentralization of the authority by the principles of subsidiarityand fiscal federalism, enable the insight to the set of measures and the principles of creating the good business environment as the primary factor of attracting investments, and subsequently enabling the general local development. Public-private partnerships are the most complex, and the latest instrument of special importance for encouraging the economic development of modem states. Still in the phase of development and applied in a few the most developed democracies only, this complex instrument is yet to face the real challenges and the future. Therefore the objective of this paper is recognizing the importance of the most complex instrument for encouraging the local economic development, which are the public-private partnerships and the theoretical and practical knowledge about them.This is of the most importance for current and future staff employed in the public administration of Serbia, at all levels. The scientific importance of this paper is the systematic presentation and analysis of the model of the public-private partnerships. PPPs have become more present since the 90's; at the beginning of the 21st century the EU countries have started forming special government bodiesto deal with PPPs, and the European commission has issued the Green book on PPPs only in 2004, which defines and partly analyses the PPPs. The outcome of the scientific significance of this paper is also the social one: the better understanding of the PPPs, lifting the awareness of the current and future staff employed in the public administration about their significance and competence to, in future reforms, correctly and skillfully represent the interest of the society in whose behalf they act. Beside the contribution to the theory about the local government, this paper has a greater meaning as a guide book for its administrative bodies, when addressing the issues of knowing and applying the PPPs as the instrument to encourage the economic development.
Interesovanje za teoriju i praksu rane intervencije u Srbiji je intenzivirano poslednjih desetak godina. U praksi su odavno zastupljeni različiti oblici rada sa decom sa smetnjama u razvoju ranog uzrasta, dok su teorijsko uobličavanje znanja i sistemski pristup ranoj intervenciji, sagledani kroz donošenje državnih odluka, uključivanje sadržaja iz ove oblasti u studijske programe fakulteta koji školuju defektologa, novijeg datuma. Cilj ovog rada je da ukaže na ključne promene i aktivnosti usmerene na razvoj nacionalnih sistema rane intervencije, s posebnim osvrtom na Srbiju. Od šest priotiteta sadržanih u dokumentu Poziv na akciju: Podrška razvoju dece u ranom detinjstvu koji je Vlada Srbije sačinila u saradnji sa UNICEFOM, a koji je zasnovan na Konvenciji o pravima deteta, Ciljevima održivog razvoja i najboljim interesima za svako dete posebno je značajan prvi podrška roditeljstvu. Izdvajanje ovog prioriteta bazirano je na činjenici da je podrška dobrobiti deteta jedan od najvažnijih ciljeva predškolskog vaspitanja i obrazovanja i da je ostvariv samo onda kada porodica može na adekvatan način da oblikuje sopstvene životne okolnosti. Osim toga takozvani model F-reči, utemeljen na odrednicama Međunarodne klasifikacije funkcionisanja, invalidnosti i zdravlja, vidi porodicu kao centralni "kontekstualni" činilac razvoja, koji ima najbolji potencijal za pružanje fizičke i emocionalne bezbednosti deteta i čija dobrobit treba da bude primarni cilj uključivanja u programe rane intervencije i obezbeđivanja usluga. Iako je rad sa porodicom, ključni činilic pozitivnih ishoda rane intervencije, dosadašnja praksa u ovom segmentu rada može da se opiše kao dugo putovanje od pristupa usmerenog na stručnjake koji donose odluke i sprovodi tretman, do pristupa u čijem fokusu je porodica Veštine uspostavljanja saradničkog odnosa su za stručnjake, koji prihvataju model usmeren na porodicu još uvek velik izazov, jer je neophodno da se uloga donosioca odluka, "prepisivača saveta", zameni ulogom partnera, slušaoca, pomagača i konsultanta. ; Interest in the theory and practice of early intervention in Serbia, has intensified in the last ten years. In practice, various forms of work with children with disabilities at an early age have long been represented, whereas theoretical shaping of knowledge and systematic approach to early intervention seen through state-decision making, inclusion of contents from this area in university programmes for educating defectologist, are of the more recent date. The aim of this paper is to point out the key changes and activities directed to development of national early intervention systems, with special reference to Serbia. Considering the six priorities contained in the document Call to Action: Support to children development in early childhood, created by Government of Serbia in cooperation with UNICEF, based on Convention on the rights of the child, Sustainable development goals and best interest for each child individually, the first one is especially important, parenting support. The selection of this priority is based on the fact that supporting the welfare of the child is one of the most important goals of preschool education and that it is achievable only in case when the family can adquately shape their own life circumstances. Besides, the so-called F-word model based on the International Classification of Functioning Disability and Health, recognizes the family as the central "contextual" factor, with best potential for providing physical and emotional security to the child, whose welfare should be the primary goal of inclusion in early intervention and service providing programmes. Although, the work with family is the key factor in positive outcomes of early intervention, current practice in this segment of work can be described as a long journey from and approach focused on decision-making and treatment professionals, to the family-oriented approach. Collaborative skills are still the great challenge for professionals who accept family-oriented model, as it is necessary to replace the role of decision-maker, "advice transcriber" with the role of partner, listener, assistant and consultant.
In this article Dr Pribicevic analyses the impact of Kosovo crises on Serbian EU integrations and shaping of political scene of Serbia. Dr Pribicevic pointed out how crises started in spring 2011 when idea of split of Kosovo appeared again in Serbia and then continued with the clashes between KFOR and Serbs from north of Kosovo in order to get the control of administrative crossing Jarinje and Brnjak. During the summer 2011 German chancellor Merkel visited Serbia and asked government in Belgrade to normalize its relations with Kosovo and dissolve "parallel institutions" of Serbs in the north of Kosovo. Following this visit Serbian government continue its negotiations with Pristina and find out solutions for administrative crossings. On the other side, Belgrade and Pristina didn't find solution for the problem of presentation of Kosovo on the regional gatherings after what European council, under the German influence, decided to postpone the decision to give Serbia the status of candidate for the EU. Therefore, Serbia remains without EU candidaturein December 2011 in spite of the fact that government in Belgrade handedover general Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic to Hague Tribunal as well as conducted a number of successful reforms which got very high marks from EU commission. In this article Dr Pribicevic is trying to answer several questions. Why Washington and Berlin imposed such a strong pressure on Serbia in this moment? Is split of Kosovo possible solution? Could Serbian government continue with current politics of EU and Kosovo or it should take one of these politics as a priority? How Kosovo crises influenced Serbian political scene? At the end, Kosovo crises opened the crucial question: could Serbia enter EU without "recognition of territorial integrity of Kosovo"as described by German foreign minister Westervele. Having in mind forthcoming elections in spring time 2012 author thinks that ruling Democratic Party as well as leading opposition party Sebian Progresive Party will continue with current politics "both EU and Kosovo". Such politics will be in accordance with the public mood in Serbia which shows that support for EU integrations is declining with the growing pressure of US and Germany on Serbian Kosovo's politics. On the other side, Serbian politics "both EU and Kosovo" is not sustainable on the long run and Serbia has to face difficult decisions in future. Also, according to the author opinion Kosovo crises showed weakness of Serbian international position. It is without important allies among key Western powers which has dominant influence in this part of Europe. Serbia has support of Russia but key influence on Kosovo has US, GB, France and Germany. These powers connected Serbia's further progress towards EU with normalization its relations with Kosovo, knowing in advance that the time when Serbia is seeking for the EU candidature is the best time to ask Belgrade to make concessions in its Kosovo's politics. Western powers do not expect Serbia to recognize Kosovo but they expect Serbia to accept " territorial integrity of Kosovo", including its north part. Why Kosovo become so important for leading Western powers? Author thinks that several reasons influenced such tough behavior of Western power towards Serbia. First, after helping them to create an independent state, US perceived Albanians as the most reliable ally in this part of Europe. Second, Germany and other big powers in Europe wants to prevent creation of new frozen conflict in Europe similar to Cyprus one, Third, all big Western powers has reserves towards Serbian foreign policy and its orientation on EU but as well as on Russia, nonalignment world, China which quite often is described in the West as sitting on the two chairs, Last but not the least, Germany as well as France is not very eager of politics of enlargement of EU in the eve of forthcoming elections in these countries scheduled for 2012 and 2013. Therefore its hesitation in this moment towards further enlargement with US pro Albanian politics creates tough dillemas for Serbian politics in foreseeable future.
U radu želimo da ukažemo na značaj republikanske misli za Dirkemovo shvatanje vaspitanja i obrazovanja. U sekundarnoj literaturi najčešće se ističu praktični i politički razlozi njegovog interesovanja za pedagogiju. Katolička crkva u Trećoj republici je – u vezi sa njenom ulogom u obrazovanju – doživljavana kao smetnja za dugoročni opstanak Republike. Obrazovanje novih generacija postavljeno je na temelje pozitivnih nauka kako bi se građani vaspitavali u duhu vrednosti novouspostavljene Republike. Proklamovani sekularizam Treće republike se nije mogao pomiriti sa obrazovnim sistemom kojim upravlja crkva. Dirkemov naučni rad je očigledno nosio i određeni politički značaj u Trećoj republici. Zapravo, bio je svojevrsni laički katehizis u obrazovnom sistemu Francuske. Ipak, čini nam se da uloga moralnog vaspitanja u novoj, sekularnoj državi nije bila samo puko provizorno rešenje. Republikanska misao je oduvek isticala značaj obrazovanja, odnosno vaspitanja koje bi omogućilo političku i moralnu stabilnost društvenog poretka. U ovom slučaju mislimo na dela klasika filozofije – Platona, Aristotela, Makijavelija, Monteskjea i Rusoa. Ako je Dirkemova sociologija i pedagogija imala ulogu supstituta katoličke veronauke, onda se sa sigurnošću može tvrditi da je u takvoj ulozi deo i duge tradicije republikanskog vaspitanja. Pomoću heurističkog pristupa pratićemo idejni razvoj republikanske misli o vaspitanju i obrazovanju. Sve navedeno iznosimo kako bismo pokazali na koji način se republikanska tradicija podudara sa projektom izgradnje Treće republike. Dirkemov odnos prema ulozi pedagogije nije puki proizvod određenih biografskih (akademskih) ili političkih kontingentnosti. Ovakav pristup može biti interesantan zbog načina na koji pristupamo razumevanju klasika sociologije i pedagogije. Dela klasika moramo posmatrati i kao proizvod kontinuiteta, a ne samo kroz prizmu njihove originalnosti ili konteksta u kojem su stvarali. U tom slučaju možemo postaviti drugačije interpretacije i posmatrati njihova dela iz drugog ugla. ; In the paper we want to point at significance of the Republican thought for Durkheim's understanding of education and upbringing. The secondary literature usually highlights practical and political reasons for his interest in pedagogy. Catholic Church was in the Third Republic - regarding its role in education - seen as a hindrance to a long-term survival of the Republic. Education of new generations was based on positive sciences so the citizens could be educated in line with the values of newly established Republic. The proclaimed secularism of the Third Republic could not be reconciled with the educational system governed by the church. Durkheim's academic work clearly bore a certain political significance in the Third Republic. Actually, it was a form of profane catechism in the education system of France. However, it seems that the role of moral education in the new, secular state was not merely a tentative solution. Republican thought has always emphasized the significance of education, i.e. upbringing, which would enable political and moral stability of the social order. In this case we allude to the works of prominent philosophers - Plato, Aristotle, Machiavelli, Montesquieu and Rousseau. If Durkheim's sociology and pedagogy acted as a substitute for Catholic catechism, then it is safe to say that so did a long tradition of Republican upbringing. Using a heuristic approach, we will follow conceptual development of the Republican thought on upbringing and education. The purpose of the above stated is to demonstrate how the Republican tradition coincides with the project of building the Third Republic. Durkheim's attitude towards the role of pedagogy is not a mere product of particular biographical (academic) or political contingencies. This view can be interesting because of our approach to understanding of classical authors of sociology and pedagogy. We must also regard the works of classical authors as products of continuity, and not just through the prism of their originality or context within which they created. In that case, we can set different interpretations and view their works from a different angle. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"
Cilj rada je da se skrene pažnja kreatorima obrazovne politike i društvu u celini na pojavu i razvoj fenomena profesionalnog sagorevanja nastavnika u društvenom kontekstu savremene Srbije – u periodu karantina. Teorijski okvir čini tzv. JDR model, prema kom su izgaranje i posvećenost(motivisanost) suprotni polovi. Sagorevanje uzrokuje smanjivanje i gubitak motivacije. Posao nastavnika je stresan, a procenat sagorevanja je veći u odnosu na druge profesije. Nastavnici u Srbiji žive i rade u posebnoj društvenoj atmosferi u kojoj zajedno sa drugim radnim stanovništvom dele težak opšti položaj. U takvom stanju nastavnici u Srbiji su se susreli sa još jednom poteškoćom – ubrzanom realizacijom nastave na daljinu, tokom vanrednog stanja, za vreme karantina. Ovim istraživanjem pokušali smo da odgovorimo na sledeća pitanja: 1) Da li je u vreme karantina došlo do disbalansa između resursa i zahteva? 2) Da li se mogu uočiti veze između tog disbalansa i sagorevanja? 3) Kako nastavnici rangiraju značaj uzroka i posledica sagorevanja za vreme karantina? Ovo kvalitativno istraživanje je sprovedeno sa dve fokus grupe; po 10 nastavnika gimnazije, odnosno osnovne škole. Izbor je obavljen na dobrovoljnoj bazi uz preduslov da su nastavnici najpre učestvovali u evaluativnom anketiranju "Trenutno stanje u onlajn nastavi u Srbiji i regionu" Obrazovno kreativnog centra Bor, marta/aprila 2020. godine. Analiza sadržaja je ukazala na porast zahteva u odnosu na resurse, na postojanje veze između te neravnoteže i sagorevanja, kao i na postojanje jedinstvene hijerarhije uzroka i posledica, među kojima su gubitak motivisanosti i pad nivoa radnog angažmana. Zato je jako važno da nakon takvog iskustva, a uoči definisanja obrazovne strategije 2030, kretori i nosioci obrazovne politike imaju na umu ove rezultate, kako bi preduzimali mere obrazovne politike na način kojim se umanjuje mogućnost profesionalnog sagorevanja, jer ono utiče na motivaciju nastavnika a posredno i na motivaciju učenika. ; The aim of this paper is to draw the attention of the creators of educational policy, and society in general, to emergence and development of the phenomenon of professional burnout of teachers in the social context of modern Serbia, during the quarantine period. The theoretical framework is the so-called JD-R (Job Demands-Resources) model, according to which burnout and work engagement (motivation) are at the opposite poles. Burnout causes a decrease and loss of motivation. Teaching is stressful, and the percentage of burnout is higher compared to other professions. Teachers in Serbia live and work in a special social atmosphere in which they share a difficult general position with the rest of the working population. In such a situation, teachers in Serbia encountered another difficulty - the accelerated implementation of distance learning in a state of emergency during quarantine. With this research, we tried to answer the following questions: 1) Was there an imbalance between job demands and resources during quarantine? 2) Is the relation between such imbalance and burnout noticeable? 3) How do teachers rank the significance of causes and consequences of burnout during quarantine? This qualitative research was conducted with two focus groups consisting of 10 highschool teachers in one and 10 primary-school teachers in the other group. The selection was made on a voluntary basis. However, it was recommended that the teachers had first participated in the evaluation survey "Current situation in online teaching in Serbia and the region", conducted by Educational and Creative Centre Bor, in March / April 2020. Content analysis indicated an increase of imbalance between job demands and resources, a link between such imbalance and burnout, and a unique hierarchy of causes and effects, including loss of motivation and declining levels of work engagement. For this reason, it is very important that after such experience, and before defining the 2030 educational strategy, creators of educational policy keep in mind these results so as to take educational policy measures in a manner which shall reduce the possibility of burnout because it affects teacher motivation and, indirectly, student motivation, as well. ; Knjiga rezimea, 25. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa" ; Book of abstracts / 25th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"
Norsk klima-utenrikspolitikk har ligget ganske fast frem til i dag. På 2020-tallet, i det avgjørende tiåret for klimapolitikken, blir imidlertid den norske linjen utfordret. Det skyldes at en nasjonal forutsetning som hittil har vært Norges fremste styrke, nemlig det fornybare kraftsystemet, ikke lenger opplagt kan ivareta den samme funksjonen i norsk klima-utenrikspolitikk. Det fornybare kraftsystemet og en aktiv utenrikspolitikk for fleksible ordninger i internasjonalt klimasamarbeid har ivaretatt den norske legitimiteten. Fremover vil derimot kravene til hva klimapolitikken skal levere skjerpes kraftig, når elektrifisering og industriell omstilling skal bidra til å nå klimamålene. En energiomstilling som svarer til ambisjonsnivået i klimapolitikken, vil bety at klima-utenrikspolitikken må balansere flere hensyn enn tidligere. Ingenting ved klimapolitikken er lenger kun innenrikspolitikk.
Nordsjøen står overfor en storstilt havvindutbygging. Uavhengig av hva Norge gjør vil europeisk havvindsutbygging dreie Europa i retning av økt gjensidig avhengighet, både fysisk i form av grenseoverskridende infrastruktur, og regulatorisk, gjennom felles regler for salg av kraft over landegrenser. Jo mer omfattende det grønne skiftet blir, jo tydeligere blir det at norsk og europeisk energiomstilling henger sammen, og at denne gjensidig avhengige energiomstillingen er av de aller viktigste komponentene i Norge og andre staters klimapolitikk. Denne omstillingen trigger imidlertid sterke suverenitetsimpulser i mange norske politiske partier. En storstilt norsk havvindutbygging reiser kontroversielle spørsmål om finansiering, ilandføring og kabelforbindelser, som alle med betydelig sannsynlighet åpner for vanskelige politiske dragkamper. Energiomstilling er nå en helt nødvendig del av en videreutviklet norsk klima-utenrikspolitikk. Det innebærer en utenrikspolitikk som utfordrer norsk suverenitet i langt større grad enn tidligere. Det beveger norsk klima-utenrikspolitikk potensielt fra kontinuitet og konsensus til uenighet og strid.
Abstract in English:Power Shortage on the Horizon: Norwegian Climate Foreign Policy from Consensus to Conflict?Until recently, Norwegian climate foreign policy has been relatively consensual. In the 2020s – the decisive decade for climate politics – the Norwegian stance is however being challenged. This is because a national precondition that until now has been Norway's foremost strength, i.e., the renewable power system, can no longer uphold the same function in Norwegian climate foreign policy. The renewable power system and an active foreign policy emphasizing flexible mechanisms in international climate cooperation have preserved the legitimacy of Norwegian climate policies. However, in the future, climate policies will face dramatically sharpened demands, as reaching the climate goals will now also depend on electrification and industrial change. An energy transition that corresponds to the upgraded climate policy ambitions implies a climate foreign policy that needs to balance more concerns than in the past. There is now no element of climate policy that is domestic politics only.
The North Sea is facing a major offshore wind power expansion. Irrespective of what Norway decides, a European offshore expansion will move Europe towards greater mutual interdependence, both physically in terms of border-crossing infrastructure, and regulatory, through common rules and regulations for the sale of power across national borders. The more extensive the green energy transition becomes, the more obvious it is that Norwegian and European energy transitions are connected, and that this mutually interdependent energy transition constitutes one of the most important components of the climate policies of Norway and other states. This transition, however, triggers strong sovereignty impulses in many Norwegian political parties. A major Norwegian offshore wind power expansion raises controversial questions about financing, how and where to connect the wind parks to the grid, and subsea cable connections. There is a considerable likelihood that Norwegian offshore wind policy will be characterized by major political tugs-of-war. Energy transition is now a completely necessary part of the development of Norwegian climate foreign policy. This implies a foreign policy that challenges Norwegian sovereignty to a far greater extent than before, which potentially moves Norwegian climate foreign policy from continuity and consensus to disagreement and strife.
Ова књига садржи студије настале на основу излагања на међународном скупу Музичке праксе Балкана: етномузиколошке перспективе, одржаном новембра 2011. године у Београду. Организовањем скупа желели смо, пре свега, да као домаћини међународног скупа допринесемо учвршћивању постојећих контаката међу истраживачима који се баве музикама Балкана, као и да пружимо могућност за нова професионална познанства. У проблемском смислу, намера нам је била да створимо прилику за преиспитивање и унапређивање сопствених учешћа у етномузикологији, да дискутовањем о различитим истраживачким стратегијама примењиваним на балканске музичке праксе у новије време допринесемо унапређењу њихових истраживања, као и да скретањем пажње на специфичне проблеме, али и вредности етномузикологије, односно "националних етномузикологија" на Балкану учествујемо у ефикаснијем укључивању "малих" дисциплинарних заједница у светско етномузиколошко друштво. Овакве, у извесном смислу опште потребе, потенциране су околностима развоја етномузикологије у Србији, посебно последњих деценија. Интересовања за традиционалну народну музику изражена кроз записе о њој, њено нотирање и снимање, а потом и прве студије образованих музичара, махом композитора, у Србији су (тек) 1948. добили институционално окриље оснивањем Музиколошког института Српске академије наука (данас Српске академије наука и уметности – САНУ). Од оснивања до данас то је државна установа, те је начин рада условљен државним културним и научним политикама, а обим научне продукције кључно је одређивао увек мали број истраживача. Повећање броја етномузиколога запослених у Институту резултирало је иницијативом да се у оквиру обележавања 170 година постојања САНУ, након већег броја скупова које су организовали музиколози из Института, приреди међународни етномузиколошки скуп. То је, уједно, био и први специјализовани етномузиколошки симпозијум у Србији, а сходно томе, ово је први зборник таквог профила објављен у нашој земљи. Комплексна подршка коју смо добили од САНУ – Одељења ликовне и музичке уметности, као и признавање важности оваквог скупа од стране Министарства просвете и науке Републике Србије, што је подразумевало финансијску помоћ организацији, били су неопходни предуслови и за саму реализацију скупа, и за објављивање овог зборника. Као и увек, обим помоћи, а посебно рокови, били су лимитирајући фактори нашим идејама и професионалним жељама. Изражавамо нарочиту захвалност уваженим колегама који су били у саставу Програмског одбора скупа: Изаљију Земцовском, Џиму Самсону, Мартину Стоуксу, Лозанки Пејчевој и Палу Рихтеру. Непосредне задатке из домена организације скупа делили смо првенствено са колегама-етномузиколозима из Института, Растком Јаковљевићем и Маријом Думнић. Велико нам је задовољство што смо имали прилику да окупимо 26 етномузиколога из 11 земаља: Бугарске, Велике Британије, Грчке, Литваније, Мађарске, Македоније, Русије, Словеније, Турске, Аустралије и Србије. Жао нам је што, због објективних околности, на скупу нису могли да узму учешћа неки од истраживача музика Балкана са других подручја, чија би искуства несумњиво допринела квалитету симпозијума и зборника. Велика већина учесника скупа је приредила своја излагања за публиковање. Сада се пред читаоцима налази двадесет једна студија која на различите начине осветљава музичке праксе Балкана, сведочећи о ширини актуелних истраживачких интересовања и методологија. Издање укључује и вредне аудио и видео примере на приложеном диску, чиме читаоцима омогућавамо потпунији увид у истраживану музику и научне приступе. Обраћајући се ширем кругу читалаца, зборник је публикован на енглеском језику, али је ауторима остављена могућност да своје радове приложе и на матерњим језицима, па су ове верзије такође приложене на диску. Уређивање овог обимног и комплексног зборника је било посебно искуство. Захваљујемо се свим ауторима за прилоге и сарадњу. Посебну захвалност дугујемо рецензентима студија. У овом обимном послу подршку смо имали од читавог колектива Музиколошког института, а нарочито од колегинице др Мелите Милин, која је имала мноштво драгоцених сугестија. Ангажовање др Јелене Симоновић-Schiff (Државни универзитет Портланда, САД) око лекторисања текстова на енглеском језику, Зорана Јерковића у припреми звучних примера, Милоша Рашића у обради видео- примера и Горана Јањића на техничкој припреми издања, далеко је превазишло базичне задатке, због чега смо им велики дужници. ; This book is comprised of studies presented at the international symposium Musical practices in the Balkans: ethnomusicological perspectives, held in November 2011 in Belgrade, Serbia. By organizing this international meeting, as hosts, we above all wanted to contribute to strengthening the existing ties among researchers involved with Balkan musics and to facilitate new professional contacts. Our intent was to create an opportunity for reassessment and improvement of each of our own shares in ethnomusicology, to contribute to the advancement of research by discussing various research strategies recently applied to Balkan musical practices, and to participate in the more efficient inclusion of 'small' disciplinary communities in the global ethnomusicologies by highlighting specific values and problems of 'national ethnomusicologies' in the Balkans. These, so to speak, general needs, were reinforced in circumstances of the growth of the ethnomusicology in Serbia, particularly in recent decades. The interests in traditional folk music expressed through writings, notation, and recording of the same, followed by the first research studies by educated musicians—mainly composers, became institutionalized in Serbia (only) in 1948 with foundation of the Institute of musicology of Serbian academy of sciences (today Serbian academy of sciences and arts—SASA). Since its beginning, SASA has been a state institution, with its work regimen determined by the government culture and science politics and the scope of research output administered by a small number of researchers. The increase in number of ethnomusicologists employed by the Institute resulted in an initiative to celebrate the SASA 170th anniversary by organizing an ethnomusicology conference, in the footsteps of a number of similar professional meetings coordinated by the Institute's musicologists. This was at the same time the first narrowly specialized ethnomusicology symposium in Serbia, and consequently, in front of you is the first proceedings of such profile published in our country. The substantial support received from the SASA Department of fine arts and music and the acknowledgement of the significance of such a meeting by the Ministry of education and science of the Republic of Serbia, including funding the event organization, were essential and indispensable prerequisites for the Symposium realization and publication of this book. As is usually the case, the extent of financial support and particularly deadlines, imposed limits on some of our ideas and professional desires. We are deeply grateful to our esteemed colleagues, members of the Symposium Program committee: Izaly Zemtsovsky, Jim Samson, Martin Stokes, Lozanka Peycheva, and Pál Richter. The Symposium immediate logistics duties were helpfully shared primarily with our colleagues, the Institute ethnomusicologists, Rastko Jakovljević and Marija Dumnić. It was our satisfaction to have the opportunity to gather twenty-six ethnomusicologists from eleven countries: Bulgaria, Great Britain, Greece, Hungary, Lithuania, Macedonia, Russia, Slovenia, Turkey, Australia, and Serbia. We regret that due to objective circumstances, some of the Balkans researchers from other regions, whose experiences would unquestionably contribute to the quality of the Symposium and these proceedings, could not take part. The vast majority of the Symposium participants prepared their papers for publication. The readers are offered twenty-one studies that in different ways illuminate Balkan musical practices and testify to the breadth of current research interests and methodologies. The publication also includes a compact disc with useful audio and video examples, assembled with the idea to provide the reader with even more complete insight into the researched music and utilized approaches. In order to address a wider audience, the proceedings are published in English. Since the contributing authors could optionally submit an additional version of the paper in their native language, those versions are also provided on the compact disc. Editing of this extensive and comprehensive publication presented a unique experience. We would like to thank all of the authors for submitting their papers and for their cooperation. We also extend our sincere gratitude to our reviewers. In this voluminous undertaking, we enjoyed the support of our colleagues at the Institute, but in particular, the encouragement from Melita Milin who offered a number of valuable suggestions. We truly appreciate the cooperation of Jelena Simonović Schiff (Portland State University, USA) in proof reading papers in English, Zoran Jerković in mastering of audio examples, Miloš Rašić in preparing of video examples, and Goran Janjić in technical preparation for print that exceeded standard duties and helped shape this publication. ; Објављивање овог зборника финансијски је помогло Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије. / These proceedings have been financially supported by Ministry of education, science and technological development of the Republic of Serbia. Зборник радова са научног скупа одржаног од 23. до 25. новембра 2011. / Proceeding of the international conference held from november 23 to 25. , 2011.
Prema definiciji Interseks zajednice Severne Amerike, pojam interseks koristi se za osobe rođene sa hormonskim, hromozomskim ili anatomskim polnim obrascima koji ne odgovaraju društvenim i medicinskim očekivanjima muških ili ženskih polnih karakteristika. Između 0,05 i 1,7% stanovništva rađa se sa nekim od interseks stanja koji imaju veliki broj oblika. Standardna medicinska procedura postupanja sa interseksualnim licima podrazumeva postupak normalizacije pola, odnosno korektivne genitalne hirurške intervencije i horomonsku terapiju, sa ciljem da definiše polne organe u skladu sa jednim od dva priznata pola i odgovori na opresivne zahteve heteronormativnosti u kojoj je interseksualno telo devijacija od "normalne telesnosti". Rasprave o interseksualnosti posebno su aktualizovane na polju bioetike kroz radove E. Feder i A. Dreger. Uvidom u određeni broj teorijskih i empirijskih radova na temu interseksulanosti u oblasti obrazovanja, zaključujemo da je njihova zastupljenost zanemarljiva. Cilj rada bio je da se, pošavši od konceptualnog okvira kvir studija kao analitičkog modela koji locira i eksploatiše nekoherentnost hromozomskog pola, roda i seksualne želje, formulišu smernice za unapređivanje obrazovnog zakonodavstva i obrazovne prakse kojima se na bolji način reguliše status interseks dece i mladih. Osnovu za teorijsku analizu predstavljali su rezultati studije "Interseks – ka stvaranju intersekcionalne platforme" organizacije Geten LGBTIQA iz 2019. godine čiji se globalni zaključak tiče pravne nevidljivosti interseks lica u Srbiji koju prati patologizujući medicinski diskurs. Na osnovu naše možemo zaključiti da je neophodno unaprediti obrazovne politike i prakse koje prepoznajemo i kao ključne predlažemo: vidljivost interseksualnih lica u obrazovnoj legislaturi počevši od predškolskog obrazovanja, informisanje aktera školskog života o stanju interseksualnosti i njegovim varijacijama, prevencija nasilja i diskriminacije prema interseks deci i mladima, ohrabrivanje prava interseks dece i mladih na samoodređenje. Ističe se potreba za osmišljavanjem i sprovođenjem kvalitativnih pedagoških istraživanja intreseksualnosti iz dečje perspektive koja mogu destabilizovati normativni diskurs polnosti/telesnosti i depatologizovati interseksualnost. Inkorporiranost zahteva iz dokumenta Promišljanje obrazovanja: ka zajedničkom globalnom dobru (UNESCO, 2015) vidimo kao dobru startnu osnovu za građenje nacrta obrazovne politike koja se temelji na humanističkim nasuprot utilitarističkim vrednostima. ; According to definition of the Intersex Society of North America, the term intersex is used to refer to persons born with hormonal, chromosomal or anatomical gender patterns which do not correspond with social and medical concepts of male or female gender characteristics. Between 0.05% and 1.7% of the population is born with an intersex condition that may take numerous forms. The standard medical procedure for dealing with intersex persons involves the gender normalizing procedure, i.e. corrective genital surgery and hormone therapy whose aim is to define sexual organs according to one of the two recognized genders and respond to oppressive demands of heteronormativity in which intersex body is a deviation from a "normal corporeality". Discussions about intersexuality have been particularly topical in the field of bioethics through the works of E. Feder and A. Dreger. By examining a number of theoretical and empirical papers on intersexuality in the field of education, we conclude that their representation is meagre. The aim of the paper is, starting from the conceptual framework of queer studies as analytical model that locates and exploits the incoherence of chromosomal sex, gender and sexual desire, to formulate guidelines for improvement of education legislation and practice so as to regulate the status of intersex children and young people better. The starting point for theoretical analysis is the result of the 2019 Geten LGBTIQA study: "Intersex – Towards Building an Intersectional Platform" whose global conclusion concerns the legal invisibility of the intersex persons in Serbia, followed by pathologizing medical discourse. Upon our analysis, we can conclude that it is necessary to improve educational policies and practices. The key improvements we propose are the following: visibility of intersex persons in education legislation starting from the pre-school education, informing the participants of school life about the state of intersexuality and its variations, prevention of violence and discrimination against intersex children and youth, encouraging the right of intersex children and young people to self-determination. The need to design and conduct qualitative pedagogic researches of intersexuality from the children's perspective that can destabilize normative discourse of sexuality/corporeality and depatologize intersexuality is emphasized. Inclusion of requirements from the document: Rethinking education: towards a common global good (UNESCO, 2015) is perceived as a good starting point for creating a draft of education policy which is based on humanistic and not utilitarian values. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"
virusnog porekla, čije pojavljivanje ima izuzetno veliki zdravstveni, socijalni i ekonomski uticaj. U mnogim delovima sveta, veliki napori i sredstva se ulažu u sprečavanje pojavljivanje bolesti i smanjenja ekonomskih troškova izazvanih KKS a sve u cilju njenog potpunog iskorenjivanja. Bolest se pojavljuje u većem broju zemalja Azije, centralne i južne Amerike, delovima Afrike i Evrope. Uspeh u iskorenjivanju postignut je u većem broju država, uključujući Severnu Ameriku, Australaziju i Severnu Evropu, gde se status zemalja slobodnih od KKS održava bez primene vakcinacije. U Zapadnoj Evropi, ostvarena je progresivna eradikacija u toku poslednje dve dekade 20. veka uz zabranu vakcinacije u zemljama članicama EU od 1990. godine. Međutim, periodično je dolazilo do unošenja virusa KKS u populaciju domaćih svinja preko divljih svinja ili uvozom domaćih svinja iz inostranstva. Pojava KKS u zemljama koje ne primenjuju preventivnu vakcinaciju ili su slobodne od bolesti može dovesti do velikih epizootija jer je celokupna populacija domaćih svinja veoma prijemčiva na virus. Zbog toga je kontinuirano vršenje aktivnog i pasivnog nadzora nad KKS od fundamentalnog značaja za sprečavanje pojave i širenja ove zaraze jer doprinosi da se eventualno izbijanje bolesti otkrije na vreme kao i da se brzo uspostave kontrolne mere u cilju sprečavanja daljeg širenja virusa KKS. Za efikasno sprovođenje potpunog iskorenjivanja KKS, pored definisanja principa kontrole KKS, kratkoročnih, srednjoročnih i dugoročnih prioritetnih aktivnosti, obezbeđivanja odgovarajućeg pravnog okvira, dijaloga i podele odgovornosti između najvažnijih institucija, službi i poslovnih subjekata, potrebno je osigurati odgovarajuće finansijske, kadrovske i druge resurse, kao i kontinuiranu edukaciju i jačanje kapaciteta nadležnih službi. U ispitivanjima su opisani epizootiološki i ekonomski aspekti Programa kontrole KKS uz primenu vakcinacije koji se sprovodio od 2006. do 2012. godine, pravni okvir i strateške mere koju državna veterinarska administracija i operativne veterinarske službe sprovode u cilju kontrole i potpunog iskorenjivanja KKS u Srbiji, kao i efekti primene tih mera. ; Classical swine fever (Pestis suum clasica, Hog cholera, Schweinepest, CSF) is a highly contagious viral disease of domestic pigs and wild boar, which has huge health, social and economic impact worldwide. In many parts of the world, significant efforts and resources were employed in order to prevent outbreaks and reduce losses and costs, with overall objective to eradicate it. Outbreaks of CSF are notified in many contries in Asia, central and southern part of Americas, some areas in Africa and Europe. Some countries has experienced success in eradication, namely in North America, Australasia and North Europe, and in keeping the country's status as free of CSF without vaccination. In Western Europe, progressive eradication without vacciantion is achieved in last two decades of 20th century, with total ban of vaccination declared from 1990. However, some perodical epizodes of introduction of CSF virus from wild boar to domestic pig population, or by import of live pigs, were reported. Emerging cases of CSF, particularly in countries where vaccination is not in place or in countires declared the status as free from the disease, can cause large epizootics, since the naive pig population is very susceptible to the virus. Therefore, the continuous active and pasive surveillance is of utmost importance for prevention of spreading the diseases which will improve capacities for timely detection of possible outbreaks and effective implementation of relevant control measures to prevent further spreading of disease. For effective imlementetion of total elimination of CSF, beside clear definition of main control principles, short-term, and long-term priority activities, adequate legal framework, and effective dialogue for sharing responsibilities among main interested parites, it is necessary to ensure financial, human and other resources, as well as continuous education and capacity building of competent authorities. In this investigation, economical and epidemiological aspects of CSF eradication program with vaccination policy implemented from 2006 to 2012, were described, with the current legal base and strategic actvities carried out by the state veterinary administration and field veterinary services with the aim to control and totaly eradicate CSF in Serbia, with effects of implementation such measures.
Oвa диcepтaциje ce бaви законодавнoм функцијoм паpламентa и њeгoвим oднocoм ca дpyгим кoнкpeтним инcтитyциjaмa, кoje пpeyзимajy oд парламента пoвjepeнe мy надлежности, yзpoкyjyjyћи њeгoвy мapгинaлизaциjy. Oвaj пpoцec ниje нoв, aли пocтaje cвe комплeкcниjи. Нa почeткy cy тo билe влaдa и политичке партије, aли ce вpeмeнoм бpoj cyбjeкaтa кojи yгpoжaвajy законодавнy надлежност паpламентa пoвeћaвao. У oвoм кoнкpeтнoм питaњy, парламент ce cyoчaвa ca oзбиљним изaзoвимa, диjeлeћи надлежност joш и ca шeфoм дpжaвe, ycтaвним cyдoм, нeзaвиcним peгyлaтopим тиjeлимa. Нaжaлocт, тy ниje кpaj. Пpoцec eвpoпcкиx интeгpaциja, кpoз eвpoпcкy лeгиcлaтивy, кpeиpao je jeднy нoвy oблacт законодавнe дjeлaтнocти изyзeтe oд надлежности нaциoнaлниx парламенaта. Cнaжнe и вeoмa диcциплинoвaнe политичке партије дoминиpajy, нe caмo политичким пpoцecимa, вeћ и кoмплeтним парламентарним пpoцeдypaмa и њиxoв нapacтajyћи yтицaj yгpoжaвa пoдjeлy влacти кojy ycпocтaвљa ycтaв и пpoyзpoкyje прoблeме y фyнкциoниcaњy парламентa yoпштe. C oбзиpoм нa њиxoв знaчaj, oнe cy y oвoм paдy aнaлизиpaнe кao нeпocpeдни aктep, aли и индиpeктнo, кao чинилaц кojи кoнтpoлишe oдpeђeнe инcтитyциje кoje yгpoжaвajy законодавнy надлежност парламента. Знaчaj диcepтaциje oглeдa ce y тoмe штo oвoj пpoблeмaтици дo caдa ниje пocвeћeнa пyнa пaжњa, кoja yкљyчyje пpoцec eвpoпcкиx интeгpaциja и нeзaвиcниx peгyлaтopниx тиjeлa. Зaкљyчaк кojи cмo дoниjeли нaкoн иcтpaживaњa je дa oчиглeднo пocтojи пoтpeбa за парламентарнoм peфopмoм коja ћe yчинити законодавни пocтyпaк eфикacниjим, a законодавнo тиjeлo cнaжниjим. Гeнepaлнo, cмaтpaмo дa je нeoпxoднo cнaжeњe тpaдициoнaлнe пoдjeлe влacти. Диcepтaциja тaкoђe пpeдлaжe cпeцифичнa кoнкpeтнa pjeшeњa y кoнтeкcтy peфopмe законодавнoг пocтyпкa. ; Ova diceptacije ce bavi zakonodavnom funkcijom paplamenta i njegovim odnocom ca dpygim konkpetnim inctitycijama, koje ppeyzimajy od parlamenta povjepene my nadležnosti, yzpokyjyjyći njegovy mapginalizacijy. Ovaj ppocec nije nov, ali poctaje cve komplekcniji. Na početky cy to bile vlada i političke partije, ali ce vpemenom bpoj cybjekata koji ygpožavajy zakonodavny nadležnost paplamenta povećavao. U ovom konkpetnom pitanjy, parlament ce cyočava ca ozbiljnim izazovima, dijeleći nadležnost još i ca šefom dpžave, yctavnim cydom, nezavicnim pegylatopim tijelima. Nažaloct, ty nije kpaj. Ppocec evpopckix integpacija, kpoz evpopcky legiclativy, kpeipao je jedny novy oblact zakonodavne djelatnocti izyzete od nadležnosti nacionalnix parlamenata. Cnažne i veoma dicciplinovane političke partije dominipajy, ne camo političkim ppocecima, već i kompletnim parlamentarnim ppocedypama i njixov napactajyći yticaj ygpožava podjely vlacti kojy ycpoctavlja yctav i ppoyzpokyje probleme y fynkcionicanjy parlamenta yopšte. C obzipom na njixov značaj, one cy y ovom pady analizipane kao nepocpedni aktep, ali i indipektno, kao činilac koji kontpoliše odpeđene inctitycije koje ygpožavajy zakonodavny nadležnost parlamenta. Značaj diceptacije ogleda ce y tome što ovoj ppoblematici do cada nije pocvećena pyna pažnja, koja ykljyčyje ppocec evpopckix integpacija i nezavicnix pegylatopnix tijela. Zakljyčak koji cmo donijeli nakon ictpaživanja je da očigledno poctoji potpeba za parlamentarnom pefopmom koja će yčiniti zakonodavni poctypak efikacnijim, a zakonodavno tijelo cnažnijim. Genepalno, cmatpamo da je neopxodno cnaženje tpadicionalne podjele vlacti. Diceptacija takođe ppedlaže cpecifična konkpetna pješenja y kontekcty pefopme zakonodavnog poctypka. ; This dissertation is dealing with legislative parliament function and its relation with other particular institutions that take away stipulated powers from parliament causing his marginalization. This process is not new but it"s become more complex to deal with. In the beginning there was government and political parties, but during the time, number of actors that threaten the legislative competence of parliament increased. On this particular issue, modern parliament facing difficult challenges, sharing his competence with head of the state, constitutional court, independent regulatory agencies. Unfortunatelly, that is not the end. EU integration process, through the European legislation, creates new area of legislative activity excluded from the national parliaments. Strong and highly disciplined political parties are dominating not only political process but whole parliamentary procedures, and its increasing influence causes further damage to separation of powers that constitution establishes and harms parliament particulary. Considering their impact in this process, they are studied in this work directly, and indirectly – as an acter that control other particular institutions which threaten legislative competence of parliament. The importance of the dissertation is reflected in the fact that this issue does not have full attention including EU integration process, indepedent regulatory bodies. The conslusion that we made after the research is that obviously there is a need for parliamentary reform which will make law-making process more efficient, and legislative body stronger. Basically, we find it necessary strengthening of the traditional separation of powers. Dissertation also proposes specific solutions in the context of the law-making process reform.
Doktorska disertacija Jugoslovenska politika prema zemljama narodne demokratije u susedstvu 1953 – 1958. godine zasnovana je na jugoslovenskim arhivskim izvorima iz Arhiva Srbije i Crne Gore, Diplomatskog arhiva Ministarstva spoljnih poslova Republike Srbije i Vojnog arhiva kao i na relevantnoj domaćoj i stranoj literaturi. Disertacija se bavi jugoslovenskom politikom prema Albaniji, Bugarskoj, Rumuniji i Mađarskoj u periodu normalizacije odnosa Jugoslavije sa ovim zemljama posle Staljinove smrti tj. posle petogodišnjeg perioda tokom koga su njihovi odnosi bili u gotovo potpunom prekidu. Ona predstavlja pokušaj da se sagleda odnos Jugoslavije prema neposrednom susedstvu u uslovima hladnog rata i sadejstva jugoslovenskih interesa sa jedne i spoljnih faktora poput uloge Sovjetskog Saveza u procesu normalizacije odnosa Jugoslavije sa pomenutim zemljama ili uloge vodećih zapadnih zemalja i njihovih interesa u Jugoslaviji i susednim zemljama "narodne demokratije" sa druge strane. U nekoliko faza kroz koje su od marta 1953. do aprila 1958. godine prošli odnosi Jugoslavije sa Albanijom, Bugarskom, Rumunijom i Mađarskom (od Staljinove smrti do potpisivanja Beogradske deklaracije, od potpisivanja Beogradske deklaracije do XX kongresa KPSS-a, od XX kongresa KPSS-a do izbijanja događaja u Mađarskoj 1956. godine i od događaja u Mađarskoj do kritike novog Programa SKJ) jugoslovenska politika se menjala u skladu sa okolnostima zadržavajući kao konstante izražen interes za normalizaciju odnosa i insistiranje na tome da sve susedne zemlje "narodne demokratije" javno osude svoju raniju politiku prema Jugoslaviji i rehabilituju sve koji su na montiranim sudskim procesima osuđeni zbog špijunske delatnost u korist Jugoslavije. Osnovni cilj rada na ovoj dioktorskoj disertaciji je bio da pruži nova znanja o ovoj temi, nove poglede na jugoslovensku spoljnu politiku i ponudi novi ugao gledanja na odnose Jugoslavije sa SSSR-om i Varšavskim paktom u celini. U vezi sa tim definisan je i drugi cilj ovog rada koji se odnosi na rekonstrukciju jugoslovenske politike prema ovim zemljama i na pokušaj da se uoče specifičnosti, metode i ciljevi te politike koji su se razlikovali u odnosu na jugoslovensku politiku prema ostalim istočnoevropskim zemljama. Treći cilj na temu jugoslovenske politike prema susednim zemljama "narodne demokratije" od 1953. do 1958. godine bio je i sistematizacija postojećih znanja o ovoj temi i njihova evaluacija s obzirom na veći stepen dostupnosti izvora nego što je to bio slučaj pre više decenija kada su nastali najznačajniji radovi koji su se delimično bavili pojedinim segmentima ove teme. Četvrti cilj istraživanja bio je utvrđivanje hronološki jasno određenih faza kroz koje su prolazili odnosi Jugoslavije sa Mađarskom, Rumunijom, Bugarskom i Albanijom u posmatranom periodu i identifikacija faktora koji su na to uticali. U trenutku Staljinove smrti, susedne zemlje "narodne demokratije" bile su daleko od centra pažnje jugoslovenske spoljne politike jer je , između ostalog, i njihov značaj za nju u uslovima prekida međudržavnih odnosa bio mali. Međutim, promene koje su ubrzo posle Staljinove smrti usledile u Sovjetskom Savezu omogućile su početak normalizacije odnosa Jugoslavije i "prve zemlje socijalizma" što je za sobom povuklo i mogućnost da Jugoslavija normalizuje svoje odnose i sa susednim zemljama "narodne demokratije". Kada su u pitanju bile te zemlje, primarni jugoslovenski interes nije se nalazio u sferi politike i ekonomije kao u slučaju Sovjetskog Saveza već u sferi praktičnih međudržavnih pitanja koja su teško opterećivala Jugoslaviju. Na prvom mestu to je bio interes da se što pre otkloni vojna pretnja na granicama i stanje na zajedničkoj "liniji razgraničenja" koje je u godinama posle 1948. iziskivalo velika materijalna i kadrovska ulaganja. Osim toga, Jugoslavija je jasan interes imala i po pitanju poboljšanja položaja pripadnika jugoslovenskih manjina u susednim zemljama "narodne demokratije" kao i po pitanju normalizacije saobraćaja. Razlog što Jugoslavija nije pokazivala izražen interes za političku i ekonomsku saradnju sa ovim zemljama ležao je u činjenici da je ona u međuvremenu, u vreme godina sukoba, uspela da pronađe alternativu kako u sferi spoljne politike tako i u sferi ekonomije i na taj način obesmisli blokadu kojoj je bila izložena sa Istoka. Međutim, cena iznalaženja te alternative bila je visoka i pretila je da ugrozi monopol vlasti Saveza komunista Jugoslavije što je za Tita i njegovo najbliže okruženje bilo neprihvatljivo. Iz tog razloga, mogućnost da se nađe zajednički jezik sa Moskvom predstavljao je za Tita priliku da uspostavi ravnotežu kada je u pitanju bio jugoslovenski položaj prema suprotstavljenim blokovima u zaoštrenoj hladnoratovskoj atmosferi. Odnos Jugoslavije prema SSSR-u, i obrnuto, može se smatrati jednim od najznačajnijih faktora koji su uticali na oblikovanje jugoslovenske politike prema susednim zemljama "narodne demokratije" sa jedne i na kreiranje politike koje su sve istočnoevropske zemlje vodile prema Jugoslaviji sa druge strane. Drugi značajan faktor koji je uticao na jugoslovensku politiku prema zemljama "narodne demokratije" u susedstvu od 1953. do 1958. godine bio je u tesnoj vezi sa jugoslovensko-sovjetskim odnosima a ticao se prevashodno ideologije i s tim u vezi destaljinizacije. Kreirajući u godinama sukoba sa Informbiroom sopstveni model "samoupravnog" socijalizma, Jugoslavija tokom procesa normalizacije odnosa nije pristajala na "jedinstvo lagera" i povratak u njega što je bio glavni kamen spoticanja u njenim odnosima kakao sa SSSR-om tako i sa drugim istočnoevropskim zemljama pa i susednim kao što su bile Albanija, Bugarska, Mađarska i Rumunija. S tim u vezi je i destaljinizacija, odnosno njen napredak i dubina u susednim "zemljama" narodne demokratije kao i njihova spremnost da se distanciraju od staljinističke ideologije, predstavljala jedan od glavnih faktora koji su uticali na oblikovanje jugoslovenske politike prema tim zemljama. Najzad, važan činilac koji je uticao na jugoslovensku spoljnu politiku uopšte pa i na njenu politiku prema delu ili celini Istočnog bloka bili su i njeni odnosi sa Zapadom, koji su iz pragmatičnih razloga tokom godina sukoba sa Informbiroom bili poboljšani do te mere da su Jugoslaviju, iako nevoljno, doveli na rub uključenja u zapadni vojni savez. Zapad je bio taj kome se nije dopadalo jugoslovensko približavanje SSSR-u i istočnoevropskim zemljama i u periodu normalizacije njihovih odnosa svaki korak koji je vodio približavanju dveju do tada suprotstavljenih strana izazivao je na Zapadu sumnje u iskrenost Jugoslavije i zebnju kada je u pitanju bila budućnost odnosa Zapada i Jugoslavije. Kao rezultat sadejstva nekoliko najvažnijih spoljnih faktora i jugoslovenskih interesa u neposrednom susedstvu iz okvira socijalističkog "lagera" nastajala je jugoslovenska politika prema Istoku uopšte pa i prema Albaniji, Bugarskoj, Rumuniji i Mađarskoj ponaosob, onakva kakva je bila. U periodu od 1953. do 1958. godine ta politika je bila aktivna i pozitivna ali ne i bez ograda. Tih godina, Jugoslavija je bez sumnje pokazivala interes da normalizuje svoje odnose sa susedima sa kojima je osim granice delila i ideologiju ali najčešće nije želela da ona bude ta koja će dati inicijativu za konkretne korake u tom procesu. Smatrajući da su međusobni odnosi narušeni ne njenom već krivicom suseda, ona je strogo poštovala načelo (koje je inače zastupala i kada je u pitanju bila njena politika prema SSSR-u) da prvi korak treba da učini onaj koji je odgovoran za prekid normalnih dobrosusedskih odnosa. Imajući u vidu sve interese, želje i aspiracije koje je Jugoslavija imala kada je u pitanju bio prostor neposredno uz njene granice kao i faktore koji su neminovno uticali na njenu politiku, može se reći da je Jugoslavija prema zemljama "narodne demokratije" u susedstvu u periodu normalizacije međusobnih odnosa od 1953. do 1958. godine vodila politiku mogućeg. Ta politika, međutim, iako osmišljena na isti način, nije uvek bila ista prema svakoj pojedinačnoj zemlji u susedstvu iz prostog razloga što u njima nije nailazila na istovetne uslove i mogućnosti. Tamo gde su mogućnosti bile veće, Jugoslavija je postizala više. Međutim, kako je vreme odmicalo i kako je Jugoslavija bivala sve uspešnija u pronalaženju svog sopstvenog "trećeg puta", čini se da joj je sve manje i manje bilo stalo do sadržajnije saradnje sa većinom suseda od kojih je (budući da su sve bile deo Istočnog bloka), u skladu sa svojom novom spoljnopolitičkom strategijom koja je ekvidistancu prema blokovima predviđala kao imperativ, trebalo da napravi određeni otklon. ; The Ph.D. thesis Yugoslav Policy Towards the Neighboring Countries of People's Democracy 1953-1958 is based on Yugoslav archival sources from the Archives of Yugoslavia, the Diplomatic Archives of the Foreign Ministry of the Republic of Serbia and the Military Archives, as well as on the relevant domestic and foreign literature. The thesis deals with Yugoslav policy towards Albania, Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary during the period of normalization of relations between these countries and Yugoslavia after Stalin's death, i.e. after a five years' period of almost complete interruption in bilateral relations. It is an attempt at a study of the interplay of Yugoslavia's relations with immediate neighborhood during the Cold War and Yugoslav interests on the one hand, and interests of foreign factors, such as the Soviet Union and the leading Western nations in Yugoslavia and in the neighboring countries within the framework of the normalization of Yugoslavia's relations with the above mentioned countries. During the several phases the Yugoslav relations with Albania, Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary went through between March 1953 and April 1958 (from Stalin's death until the signing of the Belgrade Declaration, from then to the 20th congress of the CP of the USSSR, from then until the beginning of the events in Hungary in 1956 and from then until the critique of the new Program of the CP of Yugoslavia), the Yugoslav policy changed in accordance with the situation, preserving the interest in normalizing relations and insisting that all neighboring countries of "people's democracy" should condemn their former policy towards Yugoslavia and rehabilitate all those who had been sentenced as Yugoslav spies at show trials. The main goal of this Ph.D. thesis was to provide new knowledge of the topic, new views on Yugoslav foreign policy and to propose a new vantage point on the Yugoslav relations with the Soviet Union, and on relations with the Warsaw Pact as a whole. Connected with this was another goal of the thesis that concrens the reconstruction of Yugoslav policy toward these countries and the attempt to pinpoint the characteristics, methods and goals of that policy that were different from those of Yugoslav policy toward other east European countries. The third goal of the topic of Yugoslav policy toward the neighboring countries of "people's democracy" between 1953 and 1958 was also to systematize the existing knowledge on the subject in view of better accessability of sources as compared with the situation of several decades ago when the most important works touching upon some aspects of this topic were written. The fourth goal of the research was to determin chronologically clearly defined phases that the Yugoslav relations with Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria and Albania had gone through during the researched period and to identify the factors that influenced the process. At the time of Stalin's death the countries of "people's democracy" were far from the focus of the Yugoslav foreign policy, because, among other things, their importance was small due to the severed inter-state relations. However, the changes that set in the Soviet Union soon after Stalin's death made the beginning of normalization of relations with the "first country of socialism" possible. This entailed the possibility that Yugoslavia also normalizes its relations with neighboring countries of "people's democracy". When these countries were in question, Yugoslavia's primary interest didn't lie in political or economic spheres as in the case of the Soviet Union, but rather in the sphere of practical inter-state matters weighting heavily on Yugoslavia. Supreme was the interest to do away as soon as possible with the military threat on the borders and to change the situation on the "line of demarcation" that had required much material and human resources in the years after 1948. Furthermore, Yugoslavia had a clear interest in improving the situation of members of Yugoslav minorities in the neighboring countries of "people's democracy", as well as in normalization of trafic. The reason why Yugoslavia showed no great interest in political or economic cooperation with these countries lay in the fact that she had in the meantime, during the years of conflict, found alternative solutions in the spheres of foreign policy and economy, reducing thus to insignifficance the blocade imposed on her from the East. However, the price of that alternative solution was high and it threatened to endanger the power monopoly of the Union of the Communists of Yugoslavia, which was unacceptable for Tito and his innermost circle of collaborators. For that reason, the possibility of finding common grounds with Moscow was for Tito an oportunity to balance Yugoslavia's position between the two competing blocs in a worsened Cold War atmosphere. Yugoslavia's relation to the USSSR and vice versa, can be seen as one of the most important factors influencing Yugoslav policy toward the neighboring countries of "people's democracy" on the one hand, and on the other, one that was decisively shaping their policy towards Yugoslavia. Another important factor influencing Yugoslav policy toward the countries of "people's democracy" in the vicinity between 1953 and 1958 was closely connected with the Yugoslav-Soviet relations and it concerned primarily ideology and, in that context, destalinization. Having created her own model of "self-managing" socialism during the years of conflict with the Cominform, during the process of normalization Yugoslavia didn't accept the unity of the Eastern Bloc and the matter of her return to it was one of the main stumbling blocks both in her relations with the USSR and with the neighbors such as Albania, Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania. In that context, destalinisation, i.e. its progress and depth in the neighboring countries of "people's democracy" and their willingnes to distance themselves from the Stalinist ideology was one of the major factors influencing Yugoslavia's policy toward those countries. Finally, the important factor influencing Yugoslav foreign policy in general, including part of the Eastern Block or it as a whole, were Yugoslavia's relations with the West that had been so improved during the years of conflict with the Cominform, that they led Yugoslavia, although unwillingly, to the brink of joining the western military alliance. The West was unhappy with Yugoslav rapprochement with the USSR and eastern European countries and every step that brought closer the two once confonted parties during the process of normalization of their relations, caused the West to doubt Yugoslavia's sincerety and cause fears for the future relations between the West and Yugoslavia. As a result of interplay of several major foreign political factors and Yugoslav interests in the imediate socialist block neighborhood, the Yugoslav policy toward the East in general and toward Albania, Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary individually, emerged in the given form. Between 1953 and 1958 that policy was active and positive, but not without restrains. During those years Yugoslavia clearly showed interest in normalizing her relations with the neighboring countries with whom she shared not only borders, but ideology too, but in most cases she was not willing to be the one to initiate concrete steps in that process. Deeming that it had not been her fault but that of her neighbors that the bilateral relations had been spoiled, she observed strictly the principle (that she also championed in her relations with the USSR) that the side that had been responsible for the interruption of normal good neighborly relations should also make the first move. Having in mind all the interests, wishes and aspirations that Yugoslavia had concerning the space imediatly bordering on her territory as well as the factors necessarily infuencing her policy, it can be said that Yugoslavia led the policy of what was possible toward the neighboring countries of "people's democracy" during tthe period of normalization of bilateral relations 1953-1958. However, that policy wasn't always the same toward all these neighboring countries, for simple reason that it didn't meet with the same conditions and possibilities in them. Where possibilities were greater, Yugoslavia acheived more. However, as the time went by and as Yugoslavia became increasingly more successful in finding her own "third way", it seems she was increasingly less interested in substantial cooperation with most of the neighbors from whom (since they were all members of the Eastern Block) certain distance should be kept – in keeping with the new foreign political strategy that foresaw equidistance towards both blocs as a must.
