Existen grandes diferencias entre la enseñanza impartida en Escocia y en Inglaterra a lo largo de la historia. En Escocia, al ser más pobre, se estableció una educación parroquial para todas las edades, en Inglaterra, la educación superior sólo se la podían permitir los hijos de padres ricos en las viejas universidades de Oxford y Cambridge. En el siglo XIX, se empezaron a crear más universidades en Inglaterra, y a partir del XX comienza la democratización de la enseñanza, haciéndose extensiva a la población con menos recursos, sin embargo, los métodos de enseñanza en Oxford y Cambridge difieren mucho del resto de universidades británicas, especialmente en el modo de impartir las clases. ; Ministerio Educación CIDE ; Biblioteca de Educación del Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte; Calle San Agustín, 5 - 3 Planta; 28014 Madrid; Tel. +34917748000; biblioteca@mecd.es ; ESP
Existen grandes diferencias entre la enseñanza impartida en Escocia y en Inglaterra a lo largo de la historia. En Escocia, al ser más pobre, se estableció una educación parroquial para todas las edades, en Inglaterra, la educación superior sólo se la podían permitir los hijos de padres ricos en las viejas universidades de Oxford y Cambridge. En el siglo XIX, se empezaron a crear más universidades en Inglaterra, y a partir del XX comienza la democratización de la enseñanza, haciéndose extensiva a la población con menos recursos, sin embargo, los métodos de enseñanza en Oxford y Cambridge difieren mucho del resto de universidades británicas, especialmente en el modo de impartir las clases. ; Ministerio Educación CIDE ; Biblioteca de Educación del Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte; Calle San Agustín, 5 - 3 Planta; 28014 Madrid; Tel. +34917748000; biblioteca@mecd.es ; ESP
In recent years all manner of research instrurnents and techníques and the quality of the data they yie1d have been placed under critical scrutiny. This artic1e brings a fresh perspective - the sirnultaneous comparison and evaluation of data secured with a wide variety of instruments in a single community setting-to some of the fundamental problems and questions involved in securing va/id responses. It is asserted that securing valid responses consistent with the behavior and phenomenology of the respondent in ordinary non-research situations is a sina qua non of the other forms of data oontrol to which socia'! scientists have tended to limit their attention. Because severa'! fie1d workers utilizing a variety of techniques were continuously able to check, re-check and cross-check information gathered from a particular respondent, a number of types of errors and sources of rnisinformation were revealed. These errors and misinformation result from purposeful intent, the temporary character of the tole of the respondent, the psychological characteristics of the individual respondent and from the involuntary inability of the respondent to meet the demands of the interview situation. Given these sources of error and misinformation, the problem confronting the analyst and theinterviewer is almost overwhelming. TraditionaHy the anthropologist has coped with this problem by assigning different weights to the responses of different respondents and to the responses from a single respondent gathered at diferent times and under differenr circumstanoes. In doing this he can never be sure that other procedures or further probing might not have yielded different information, and he has difficulties in objectively supporting the validity of his interpretations. But the same social psychological apparatus which produces different levels of response in free and depth interviewing also operates in other types of field instruments. The central problems lies in the fact that al'! answers to the same question in standardized interviews are not ofequal weigÍft, and cannot be treated as suchv In assigning equal weights the analyst simply adds up the conscious and unconscious misinformation, bias and accuracy and treats them aH as equal.Poll-type surveys secure and provide information in those specialized areas of mass society where otherwise such information is not readily available. Such surveys are valuable when they probe re'latively simple areas of choices among current alternatives avaílable at the public level; for example, presidentíal pol1s. However, when the object of research is to study at bottom the dynamics of a community or an institution, and where the problem of social and psychological levels of response is crucial to the research problem itself, other techniques are indispensable: forexampLe, in totalitarian societies even political and communications polling does not provide valid results since opinions which lead to such data are not adrnissible at the public level. ; Resumen en inglés.
In spite of its impressive systematic unity, the market and price theory is in danger of internal contradictions which the author calls the "Paradox of the competitive price formation". Up to now no definition says what competition is, but merely describes under what conditions is exists and which are its consequences. This point is stressed by means of a dogmatic retrospective view. Competition is not a characteristic feature of one market form, but is the fundamental phenomenon of any economy, as long as it is a process; as an organization form of market process competition is, on the contrary, essentially a creature of government. In connection with the theory of economic behavior, competition can be determined as the possibility of alternatives between which the market participants can freely choose. But competition as a behavior can be active only in a state of desequilibrium, whereas in a state of equilibrium it is, per definitionem, in repose. This obviously unsatisfactory result in being analyzed from the point of view of the monopolistic theory, economic history and sociology and confronted with the theory of costs and the theory of games. Finally the author advises to leave economics open to all methods by means of the synthesis of deductive-theoretical and sociologic-historical research, instead of adjusting it simply to the mathematical theory, as in the case of mere functional analysis and model constructions there is no other way than to substitute one abstraction for an other. ; Instituto de Investigaciones Económicas
He explains that the government was interested in studying the timber qualities of the trees in the area and in effect commissioned the Italian firm "INCISAE" from Lissone, which, through Engineer Aldo Bert, carried out a preliminary study in 1940, the results of which they are synthesized in the three tables on the type of wood. From the legal point of view, it is described, By Supreme Resolution of April 7, 1937 it was established: "that in the areas of mountain lands reserved by the Government, in order to study their most convenient application, the exploitation is strictly prohibited. forest, whatever its nature "; but later, by Supreme Resolution of April 14, 1937, the granting of permits for forestry operations in reserved areas was established; and in one of said faculties, two permits were granted: The first by Resolution 57 of May 8, 1940, granting the exploitation of the forests of Tingo María up to the summit of the Divisional Cordillera to the Sociedad Maderera Ciurlizza Maurer Limitada. The second by Resolution of November 5, 1941, granting Mr. Víctor Funegra Trujillo, permission to exploit the forests from the Cordillera Diviso ria at kilometer 197 to the Boquerón in the Cordillera Azul At the end of this article we must bear in mind that Congress has already promulgated the Law that puts an end to the timber monopoly in Tingo María, thus opening a new era for this important industry that is receiving the enormous impulse of the great national demand, which is exacerbated by the lack of foreign wood. Situation that as UN officials believe will last for many years ; Explica que el gobierno se interesó en que se estudiaran las cualidades maderables de los árboles del área y en efecto se comisionó a la firma italiana "INCISAE" de Lissone, la cual por intermedio del Ingeniero Aldo Bert realizó un estudio previo en 1940, cuyos resultados se sintetizan en los tres cuadros sobre la tipología de la madera. Desde el punto de vista legal, se describe, Por Resolución Suprema de 7 de Abril de 1937 se estableció: "que en las zonas de tierras de montaña reservadas por el Gobierno, para estu diar su más conveniente aplicación, queda estrictamente prohibida la ex plotación forestal, cualquiera que fuera su naturaleza"; pero posteriormen te por Resolución Suprema del 14 de Abril de 1937 se estableció la con cesión de permisos para explotaciones forestales en las zonas reservadas; y en uno de dicha facultad se concedieron dos permisos: La primera por Resolución 57 de 8 de Mayo de 1940, concediendo la explotación de los bosques de Tingo María hasta la cumbre de la Cordillera Divisoria a la Sociedad Maderera Ciurlizza Maurer Limitada. La segunda por Re solución de 5 de Noviembre de 1941, concediendo a don Víctor Funegra Trujillo, permiso para explotar los bosques desde la Cordillera Diviso ria en el kilómetro 197 hasta el Boquerón en la Cordillera Azul Al finalizar este artículo debemos hacer presente que el Congreso ha promulgado ya la Ley que pone término al monopolio de la madera en Tingo María, con lo cual se abre una nueva era a esta importante in dustria que está recibiendo el enorme impulso de la gran demanda na cional, que se agudiza por la falta de madera extranjera. Situación que como creen los funcionarios de la ONU va a durar por largos años
Dr. Luis Roque Gondra died in 1947, in the city of Buenos Aires, the principal scene of his long and outstanding activity. An Argentine economist whose mathematical orientation induced him to apply the deductive method, hence his preference for the psychological and mathematical schools. This inclination dominates his lectures on Political Economy in the Faculty of Economic Science at the University of Buenos Aires and reveals itself in his works which may be considered fundamental. He also published several studies on historical and economic subjects and collaborated in specialized journals and newspapers. ; Facultad de Ciencias Económicas
Reversible actions and reactions between organism and environment in regard to life upon the American high plateaus lead to en adaptative process whose goal is acclimatization. As a consequence of the alluded interactions the organism may become adjusted either to live in the altitude individual acclimatization or to Iive and to reproduce, race acclimatization. To the author this phase of adjustment (adaptation) implies a form of Mountain Sickness to which he was the first to call attention in 1928. When Mountain Sickness is cured, acclimatization supervenes. Some men never get acclimatized. They develop Chronic Mountain Sickness and die. A form of survival is migration to the low lands. The environment assailment-climatic aggresion,-may be defined as the noxious action of the Andean climate ("temple", from the Greek, meaning "dwelling-place") upon the dwellers from low lands and that of the sea coast upon the mountain men. The physiografic forces act upon the individual and the race in such a definite way that the behavior of high plateau societies has been confronted by its perennial influence. Thus it is not surprising that it can be traced in the historic documents and books about Tahuantisuyo and the Colonial Spanish Epoch. It has been proved that these facts were contemplated in the Inca's social legislation and that Pachacutec and other kings tood advantage of their knowledge in their war tactics (Garcilaso de la Vega). Climatic aggresion can be traced also in human and animal reproduction. The "San Nicolas de Tolentino miracle" concerning the first offspring born from Spanish ascendance fifty years after the Spaniards arrived at Potosi (12000 feet altitude), finds that the biological explanation is through a slow process of progressive race acclimatization of the human specie. The act of foundation of Lima (Lima, the capital of Perú, was foundation in 1535 and is 500 feet above sea level). points out that the capital was transferredfrom Jauja (10,500 feet altitude) to sea level because the pigs, horses and fowl did not reproduce. The observations of Father Cobo (XVII century) concerning the descendants (by crossing Spanish and Indian blood) might be considered as Mendelian anticipations. As a result of the balanced interdependence of man and milieu, acclimatization of Andean natives and foreign people may he considered as a rule by the fixation of men and animals on the Andes from a prehistoric time.Training for athletes implies the compensation of an oxygen debt produced by progressive exercise above normal requirements. Therefore the permanent altitude oxygen deficit, conversaly, must condition a compulsory stimulus to create athletics. Thus, to get accustomed to exercise is the altitude law of the body. Now, all the investigators agree on the extraordinary strength of the Andean men, and Colonial writers stress the fact that physical culture was incorporated in their daily life: in locating their cities and houses on trop of the countains; in their social organization, foot messengers (Chasquis) and Inca stretcher carriers; in the different cult expressions (apachetas ), in the selection of the nobility class (Huaracu's festivity and the "orejones", big ear rings ordeal) and finally in the wedding ceremonials (Acataimita and Paltay festivals). In these cases the training was carried out as for Olympic games, according to the strictest rules: camp concentration, adequate food, psychological tests, physical culture, abstinence and hygienic life in order to be fitted for the games. To the winners belonged the rights and honors. A bio-climatic determinism was actually impressed in the building of their societies so deeply saturated with the telluric environment. That is the answer to the sense of human migrations to lands of the same climate and the return nomadism which constitute the mitimaes organization, some kind of internal colonization built up on a cIimatic foundation. As a consequence, the continuous changes of population brought a perennial crossing of men from different lands but always keeping this transfer at a similar altitude and the same land. Thus the Inca's sociology was bio-cIimatic. The biological influence of the altitude was noticed in the individual, the race and the societies of America in peace, war and in colonization. The Spanish crown knew this fact and tried to promote it with adequate legislation that unfortunately remained only written. The Republic ignores this problem. During the emancipation wars whenever the Argentine troops fought in low lands as it happened in the proximity of Jujuy (1236 meters above sea level}, Salta (1185 meters) and Tucuman (477 meters) they were the winners, while they were defeated by the Andean high altitude troops in the Alto Perú, above 3,000 meters of altitude (Sipe-sipe, Ahoyuma and Guaqui.). San Martin refused to cross the high plateaus, as if he had an intuition about the climatic agression which had defeated the men of the low, lands previously. All the writers agree on the outstanding feature of the contradictory behavior of men: in their place of origin they were prominent warriors or showed good fighting spirit, but they lost their skill when they were at a high altitude. From the industrial standpoint, the knowledge of inferlity brought about by high altitude, has allowed selection of animals suited for reproduction. This selection has greatly improved the farming industry at high plateaus. As we have emphasized, climatic aggression on the reproductive organs has been shown since the arrival of the Spaniards to the Andes. The wisdom of the Inca's sociological laws as it appears from a historic standpoint confirms the knowledge they had about the influence of the high plateaus climate upon the individual, the race and the andean american soeieties. ; Acciones y reacciones reversibles entre organismo y ambiente crean un proceso permanente adaptativo que conduce a la aclimatación. En realidad la adaptación es una forma de Mal de Altura cuya curación es la aclimatación. Se trata pues de una noxa climática que actúa sobre el individuo y la raza a punto tal que ha quedado enjuiciado en los relatos, documentos y libros de los comentarios o Historiadores del Tahuantisuyo y la Colonia, La "agresión climática" aparece definida por la acción nociva del "temple" andino para los costeños y del 'temple" costeño para los serranos. Tal factor fué contemplado en la Legislación social del Incario y Pachacutec y otros Incas la utilizaron en la táctica de la guerra (Garcilaso ). Se dejó sentir visiblemente la "agresión climática" en la reproducción humana y animal, Sobre lo primero el milagro de San Nicolás de Tolentino referente al primer hijo de padres españoles logrado en Potosí, tiene todas las características de un tan sensacional acontecimiento que entró en la tradición de la Villa hasta que la Escuela Médica Peruana encontró su explicación biológica, demostrando que, en la altura, a la fertilidad se llegó mediante un proceso lento de aclimatación progresiva de las razas españolas en los elevados altiplanos de Sud-américa. Análogo hecho se recoge del Acta de la Fundación de Lima y al mismo se refiere insistentemente el Padre Cobo. También aparecen informaciones precisas sobre la preocupación genética de las sociedades autóctonas del Tahuantisuyo al prohibirse el matrimonio entre hermanos contra lo admitido generalmente, pues sólo fué a partir del gobierno de Tupac Yupanqui, que se autorizó tal cosa y únicamente para sujetos de sangre real. Es interesante anotar que sobre el mestizaje indo-hispánico estableciera el Padre Cobo conclusiones genéticas que pueden estimarse como anticipaciones mendelianas. Queremos dejar claramente establecido que la adaptación, y la aclimatación de raza en la altura constituye un hecho perfectamente establecido como lo demuestra la descendencia hispánica en los Andes,. La regla en la aclimatación es la fertilidad. Si al atletismo se obtiene creando un déficit de oxígeno por encima del requerimiento normal; el déficit de oxígeno permanente de la altitud debe conducir necesariamente al atletismo. Luego el acostumbramiento a la fatiga debe ser la ley orgánica de altura. Pues bien todos los Cronistas están conformes en hablamos de la extraordinaria resistencia física del andino y como el cultivo del esfuerzo se incorporó profundamentalmente en su vida diaria -ciudades y viviendas en las cumbres; en su organización social, chasquis y cargadores del Inca; en las distintas formas del culto-apachetas; en la selección de la nobleza, fiesta del Huaracu, orden de los "orejones" y en fin en las ceremonias nupciales, fiestas del Atacaimita y Paltay - En todas ellas el entrenamiento en lo que respecta a concentración, alimentación y ejercicios atléticos y vida rigurosamente higiénica era análogo a lo que ocurrió en los juegos olímpicos de Grecia y en la preparación actual de las Olimpiadas. La raza autóctona estuvo tan hondamente impregnada del ambiente telúrico que en la constitución de las sociedades tenía que actuar, imperativamente, un determinismo bio-climático. Así se explica el sentido de las migraciones a localidades del mismo temple y el nomadismo de retorno de la organización de los Mitimaes, lo que trajo como consecuencia un cruzamiento incesante que daba homogeneidad a la raza, cuidando siempre de la estabilidad del clima de altura. La Sociología incaica pues fué bio-climática; la influencia biológica del altiplano se dejó sentir en el hombre, la raza y las sociedades de América en la paz, en la guerra y en la colonización. La Corona de España conoció el hecho y trató de fomentarlo con una abundantísima legislación que sólo quedó escrita. La República ignora este problema. En las guerras de emancipación toda vez que las tropas porteñas combatieron en localidades de escasa elevación, como ocurrió en las proximidades de Jujuy (1236 m. sobre el nivel del mar), Salta (1185 m.) y Tucumán (477 m.) salieron vencedoras, mientras que fueron derrotadas por los ejércitos andinos en el Alto Perú, por encima de 3000 m. de altitud, Sipe-sipe, Ahoyuma y Huaqui. San Martín se negó a atravesar el altiplano como si tuviera la intuición biológica de la agresión climática que históricamente venció a los hombres del Llano. El Instituto Nacional de Biología Andina hace un llamamiento para que los pueblos indo-hispánicos reciban de los poderes del Estado la protección que su biología reclama y que el problema de la vida y de las sociedades andinas que con tanta devoción lo está resolviendo la Universidad de San Marcos reciba todo el apoyo que la Nación debe darle.
How to cite: González de Dávila, C. (1956). Estudio socioeconómico de las comunidades rurales establecidas por el Gobierno de Puerto Rico: Un Plan de Educación para el mejoramiento de estas comunidades. Pedagogía, 4(1), 15-29. Retrieved from https://revistas.upr.edu/index.php/educacion/article/view/17112 ; Cómo citar: González de Dávila, C. (1956). Estudio socioeconómico de las comunidades rurales establecidas por el Gobierno de Puerto Rico: Un Plan de Educación para el mejoramiento de estas comunidades. Pedagogía, 4(1), 15-29. Recuperado a partir de https://revistas.upr.edu/index.php/educacion/article/view/17112
Our country offers two large development areas: Northern area, which has developed itself in answer to foreign market demand, with its center located at Buenos Aires port, with reference to which are analyzed attempts of division by BUNGE, LLORENS and GARCÍA MATA, MOYANO LLERENA, MARCENARO and LLORENS. Southern area, a group of spaces almost parallel, cordillera to sea, ordinate by the transversal disposition of valleys, rivers, mountains, railways, and roads, ordination that confirms the opinions of former Minister RAMOS MEXIA, General SAROBE and the geographer and naturalist FRENGUELLI, CABRERA and FERUGLIO. Once reviewed the existing elements on political limits, geographical borders, fitogoegraphical boundaries, ecological edges, it is established the economic frontier through the final ends of railway traffic, in km. 215 at the northwestern end at the south of Mendoza, crossing the northwest of La Pampa and Bahía Blanca at the southeastern edge ; Instituto de Investigaciones Económicas
The article describes the various stages of preparing and carrying out the reproduction of the famous ceiling of the Altamira caves. The Government of the German Federal Republic has presented to the people of Madrid this reproduction, which can be admired in the garden of the National Archaeological Museum. This feat is one more example of the very high quality of German technology. It is also a most happy contribution to the preservation of art treasures, and it has served as a further opportunity of cooperation between German and Spanish technicians and artists. ; Se describen en el presente artículo las fases de la instalación y el interesante proceso tecnológico seguido para la realización de la copia del techo de la gran sala de la cueva de Altamira, que el Gobierno de la República Federal Alemana ha regalado al pueblo de Madrid, y que puede visitarse en el jardín del Museo Arqueológico Nacional. En este trabajo se pone una vez más de relieve la asombrosa calidad de los métodos científicos alemanes, que constituye un feliz ejemplo de la aportación de la técnica a la conservación de joyas artísticas, así como también de la estrecha colaboración realizada por los técnicos alemanes y españoles.
