Prema zadnjem izvještaju Gartnera, Turska se sada treba uzeti u obzir jer si je osigurala mjesto među 30 vodećih zemalja na svijetu u području inormacijske tehnologije (IT) i inozemnih usluga. Tijekom zadnjeg desetljeća postignut je izvanredan napredak u području izrade kompjutorskih programa, a to je rezultiralo porastom izvoza u mnoge zemlje. U ovom radu dajemo pregled pomaka koji je Turska učinila u izradi programa, uključujući postojeće trendove, ispitivanja, kvalitetu i prihvaćanje agilnih metoda zajedno s tehno parkovima i poticajima koje daje vlada. ; According to a recent Gartner report, Turkey is now to be considered in one of the world's outsourcing destinations since it has secured its place in the list of top 30 countries for Information Technology (IT), and offshore services. In the last decade, the country has made excellent progress in the software sector, and this is reflected in the rise of its exports to many countries. In this article, we present an overview of advancement of Turkey's software sector, including current trends in software process, testing, quality, and the adoption of agile methods along with techno parks and incentives provided by the government.
Domaća politička dinamika, razjedinjenost i preusmjereni prioriteti EU-a, kao i smanjenje geostrateške uloge u NATO-u potaknuli su Tursku na to da se okrene prema novome političkom modelu u kojemu u vanjskoj politici potpuno prevladavaju suženi nacionalni interesi. Potraga za fleksibilnim savezništvima sa zapadnim suparnicima iznjedrila je odnose koji su više transakcijske prirode. Turska, naime, drži kako su njezine tradicionalne veze sa zapadnim svijetom neravnopravne te povremeno čak štete njezinim interesima. Odnosi Ankare sa SAD-om i EU-om nikada nisu bili na visokoj razini, od čega je Rusija oduvijek imala najveću korist. U tursko-ruskom "braku iz koristi" Rusija je uvelike moćniji partner pa Turska neprekidno teži važnijoj ulozi na Bliskom istoku, Balkanu, Kavkazu, u Srednjoj Aziji i nekim dijelovima Afrike. U želji za povećanjem svojeg utjecaja na tim područjima, ona se služi svim raspoloživim sredstvima. S obzirom na svoje ambiciozno vodstvo, kooperativna gospodarska politika postala je isključivija i usredotočena na smanjenje sigurnosnih prijetnji. Zbog svega toga zemlja je suočena s brojnim akterima na različitim razinama, uključujući i globalne "teškaše". ; Following domestic political dynamics, disunity and redirected priorities of the EU and decreasing in its NATO geostrategic role, Turkey turned to new policy norm where narrowed national interests gained absolute dominance in foreign relations. The ensuing quest for flexible alliances with Western rivals has generated more transactional and compartmentalized relationships with Western powers as Turkey considers its traditional ties with them as unequal and at times unfavorable to its interests. From historic low points in relations with US and EU, more often benefits Russia as a more powerful partner in 'marriage of convenience' with Turkey. Turkey in regions as Middle East, Balkan, Caucasus, Central Asia and some part of Africa, aims for a larger role and persistently builds its capacity to influence events. The ambitious leadership and the transformation of the cooperative and economically based Turkish policy to one more exclusive and security-oriented, confronted Turkey with a myriad of actors of various scales including global heavyweights.
Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje kroz multiplikativni efekt koji se ogleda ne samo kroz ekonomske komponente već i kroz sociokulturni razvoj. Cilj rada bio je identificirati Tursku u europskom kontekstu međunarodnih odnosa, odnosno ukazati na komparativnu i konkurentsku ulogu Turske u vanjskotrgovinskom poslovanju. Čimbenici odnosa Turske u europskom kontekstu su: demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički izazovi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija Europske unije (EU) i Turske bila je okosnica razvoja u okviru bilateralne trgovine. U tom razdoblju Turska je postala petim glavnim trgovinskim partnerom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine od 140 milijardi eura (2017). Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% turske globalne trgovine. Istraživanje u radu temeljeno je na analizi sekundarnih izvora podataka, a metode sinteze i deskripcije primijenjene su u interpretaciji dobivenih rezultata i formiranja zaključaka. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju kako je integracija Turske u Europsku uniju određena kako "tvrdim" ekonomskim čimbenicima korisnosti, tako i "mekanim" čimbenicima kao što su osjećaj identiteta, religije ili stavovima prema imigrantima. Iako Turska pokazuje pozitivne ekonomske trendove u europskom kontekstu, "mekani" čimbenici ipak predstavljaju osnovnu barijeru integracije. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country through a multiplier effect reflected not only through economic components but also through socio-cultural development. The aim of the paper was to identify Turkey in the European context of international relations, that is, to highlight Turkey's comparative and competitive role in foreign trade. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political challanges. In the last two decades, the EU and Turkey customs union was the cornerstone of bilateral trade. At that time, Turkey became the world's fifth largest trade with the EU on a global scale worth EUR 140 billion in 2017. Similarly, the EU is Turkey's most important trading partner, representing 41% of Turkey's global trade. The research in this paper is based on the analysis of secondary data sources, and synthesis and descriptive methods have been applied in the interpretation of the obtained results and the formation of conclusions. The results of the study show that Turkey's integration into the European Union is determined by both "hard" economic utility factors and "soft" factors such as a sense of identity, religion or attitudes towards immigrants. Although Turkey shows positive economic trends in the European context, "soft" factors still represent the primary barrier to integration. The great migration crizis that began in 2015, and continues today, has again put Turkey at the center of geopolitical interest, but also emphasized the interdependence of Turkey and the EU and the conceptualization of a new model of mutual relations.
Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje. Bez vanjske trgovine zemlja ne bi mogla biti konkurentna na svjetskom tržištu i ostvarivati devizna sredstva. Pitanje odnosa Turske i Europske unije kao nositelja europskog integracijskog procesa predmet je političkog i geostrateškog spora koji traje više od pedeset godina. Primarni razlozi za uporne zahtjeve Turske za priključenjem Europskoj uniji su, među ostalim, brojni Turci u Europi i važnost trgovine između njih. Turska je, međutim, također sve više razočarana široko rasprostranjenim protivljenjem njenom pristupanju među zemljama članicama EU. Čimbenici odnosa Republike Turske i Europske unije su : demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički problemi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija EU-Turska bila je okosnica okvira bilateralne trgovine. Za to vrijeme Turska je postala petom glavnom trgovinom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine robom od 140 milijardi eura u 2017. godini. Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% Turske globalne trgovine. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country. Without foreign trade the country could not be competitive on the world market and realize foreign currency assets. The question of the relationship between Turkey and the European Union as the bearer of the European integration process is the subject of a political and geostrategic dispute that lasts more than fifty years. The main reasons for persistent Turkey's demands for joining the European Union are, among other things, many Turks in Europe and the importance of trade between them. Turkey, however, is also increasingly disappointed with the widespread opposition to its accession among EU member states. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political ...
Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje. Bez vanjske trgovine zemlja ne bi mogla biti konkurentna na svjetskom tržištu i ostvarivati devizna sredstva. Pitanje odnosa Turske i Europske unije kao nositelja europskog integracijskog procesa predmet je političkog i geostrateškog spora koji traje više od pedeset godina. Primarni razlozi za uporne zahtjeve Turske za priključenjem Europskoj uniji su, među ostalim, brojni Turci u Europi i važnost trgovine između njih. Turska je, međutim, također sve više razočarana široko rasprostranjenim protivljenjem njenom pristupanju među zemljama članicama EU. Čimbenici odnosa Republike Turske i Europske unije su : demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički problemi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija EU-Turska bila je okosnica okvira bilateralne trgovine. Za to vrijeme Turska je postala petom glavnom trgovinom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine robom od 140 milijardi eura u 2017. godini. Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% Turske globalne trgovine. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country. Without foreign trade the country could not be competitive on the world market and realize foreign currency assets. The question of the relationship between Turkey and the European Union as the bearer of the European integration process is the subject of a political and geostrategic dispute that lasts more than fifty years. The main reasons for persistent Turkey's demands for joining the European Union are, among other things, many Turks in Europe and the importance of trade between them. Turkey, however, is also increasingly disappointed with the widespread opposition to its accession among EU member states. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political ...
Rad se bavi prikazom položaja kurdske manjine u Turskoj te nastoji istražiti mogućnosti rješenja kurdskog pitanja s obzirom na okolnosti, unutarnje i vanjske, kroz koje je Turska prolazila i koje danas oblikuju političku situaciju te države. Cilj je procijeniti perspektivu za rješavanjem kurdskog problema s obzirom na interpretaciju istog od strane turskih vlasti kao vodećeg izazova za nacionalnu sigurnost. Nadalje, navođenjem i analizom faktora koji se pokazuju ključnim u oblikovanju politike vlasti prema Kurdima, rad opisuje status kurdskog pitanja kao ugroze turskog identiteta i sigurnosti. Isto tako, nastoji pokazati potencijale za drugačijim pristupom tematiziranom problemu. Promotrivši sve činitelje, njihova preklapanja, pozitivne i negativne učinke, u konačnici se ispostavlja kako trenutno ne postoji perspektiva za boljim položajem Kurda u Turskoj, na koje će se i dalje gledati kao na vodeću prijetnju unutarnjoj sigurnosti države. Razlozi tome zaključku su slabosti turskog političkog sustava u obliku nedostatka demokratskih vrijednosti, terorističke prijetnje PKK i Islamske države, regionalnih sukoba i nedostatka pozitivnog utjecaja iz međunarodne sfere. Prema svemu navedenom, mogućnost rješenja pitanja Kurda ostaje neostvarena. ; This paper presents the condition of Kurdish minority in Turkey and attempts to explore the possibilities of finding solution to the Kurdish question regarding the circumstances, internal and external, through which Turkey went through and which mold the political situation in that country today. The goal is to estimate a perspective for finding a solution to the Kurdish issue considering the interpretation of the same from Turkish government as a leading national security challenge. Furthermore, through listing and analysis of key factors in shaping government's policy towards the Kurds, this paper describes the status of Kurdish issue as a threat to Turkish identity and security. Also, it attempts to manifest potentials for a different approach to the question at hand. By ...
Shortly after the Crimea crisis of March 2014, NATO started a process of strategic reflection and a series of actions under the umbrella of the 'Pivot to East'. On the South of its Eastern flank, the Black Sea region looms as one of the most unstable areas, with a number of frozen conflicts in non-NATO countries as well as an increasing unrest overall. This article explores the political discourses, commitments and attitudes towards NATO of the three allies at the Black Sea, namely Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey, as well as exploring their role in regional security. The purpose of the research is to compare NATO's representation in the mainstream politics of these countries. Based on discourse analysis and the comparative method, the paper examines to what extent stability, ambiguity and change are present in the Southeast allies' discourses on NATO. ; Shortly after the Crimea crisis of March 2014, NATO started a process of strategic reflection and a series of actions under the umbrella of the 'Pivot to East'. On the South of its Eastern flank, the Black Sea region looms as one of the most unstable areas, with a number of frozen conflicts in non-NATO countries as well as an increasing unrest overall. This article explores the political discourses, commitments and attitudes towards NATO of the three allies at the Black Sea, namely Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey, as well as exploring their role in regional security. The purpose of the research is to compare NATO's representation in the mainstream politics of these countries. Based on discourse analysis and the comparative method, the paper examines to what extent stability, ambiguity and change are present in the Southeast allies' discourses on NATO.
Populizam je aktualan politički fenomen o kojem se mnogo raspravlja u posljednjih nekoliko desetljeća. Postavlja se pitanje kako se i zašto pojavljuje u nekim zemljama, dok u drugima ne. U radu nastojim putem višestruke studije slučaja objasniti kako se ključni politički lideri u Francuskoj, Turskoj i Kanadi koriste populističkim diskursom. Ono što im omogućuje artikuliranje populizma u govorima su različito pojmljene krize i politička kultura. U Francuskoj i Turskoj Marine Le Pen i Recep Tayyip Erdoğan u svojim kampanjskim videspotovima koriste se populističkom retorikom kako bi mobilizirali narod. Riječ je o populističkom konceptu naroda, a ne o cijelom narodu unutar njihovih zemalja. U Francuskoj Marine Le Pen zastupa protuimigracijsku politiku i nastoji stvoriti egzistencijalni strah, kriveći političke elite koje naziva oligarhijom za migrantsku krizu i podređivanje nacionalnih interesima onima Europske Unije. U Turskoj Erdoğan kritizira sekularizam, opoziciju, Zapad i Europsku Uniju, čime udara u temelje stupova demokracije republike Turske, stvarajući tako u zemlji krizu demokracije. U Kanadi se populizam veže za premijera Justina Trudeaua, no u ovom slučaju je riječ o "krnjem" populizmu u kojem nedostaje nužan koncept političkih elita i "opasnih drugih". U Kanadi do populizma kakav se pojavljuje u Francuskoj i Kanadi ne može doći zbog multikulturalizma koji je na snazi u ovoj federalnoj državi. ; Populism is an actual political phenomenon, about which there has been a lot of discussion during last few decades. The question is why does it appear in some states, and in some not. In my paper I am trying to explain, by using multiple case-study, how do key political leaders in France, Turkey and Canada use populist discourse. They are in possibility to use populism in their speeches because of different types of crisis in their states and also different political culture. In France and Turkey, Marine Le Pen and Recep Tayyip Erdogan are usinbg populist rhetoric in their campaign videospots to mobilize the ...
Ustavotvorni referendum održan 16. IV. 2017. g. donio je mnogo promjena u ustavnom uređenju Republike Turske. Izglasane ustavne promjene donose opasnost da ova država prijeđe put od ustavne demokracije do autokratske vladavine jednog čovjeka. Međutim, za bolje razumijevanje takvog zaokreta na turskoj političkoj sceni bit će potrebno uzeti u obzir povijesno nasljeđe koje u velikoj mjeri daje odlučujuće impulse trenutnom političkom uređenju zemlje. Upravo zbog toga, u ovom radu pozornost se posvećuje i povijesnom razvoju ustavnosti te države, uz naglašavanje svih onih čimbenika koji su u njemu igrali, ili još uvijek igraju, veliku ulogu. Tek uz ovakvo sagledavanje cjelokupne slike može se dati ocjena sadašnjeg stanja te razviti određena predodžba budućeg razvitka političkih odnosa u toj državi. Stoga se u prvom dijelu rada prikazuje razvoj ustavnosti Republike Turske te nakon toga slijedi ocjena trenutnog stanja i, posebice, mogućeg daljnjeg razvoja prema nedavno usvojenim ustavnim promjenama. Pri svemu tome uzima se u obzir i uloga najznačajnijih političkih, ali i ekstrapolitičkih čimbenika koji su oblikovali i usmjeravali ustavni razvoj turske države. ; The Constitutional referendum held 16.04. 2017. has brought many changes in the constitutional regulation of the Republic of Turkey. Elected constitutional changes have brought the danger that this country moves from the path of constitutional democracy to the autocratic rule of one person. However, to better understand this kind of change on the Turkish political scene, it will be necessary to take into consideration of the historical inheritance which to a large extent provides the decisive impulse to the current political regulation of the country. It is precisely because of this that this paper also focusses on the historical development of the constitutionality of this country together with emphasising all the factors which have played and are still playing a large role. Only with such consideration of the whole picture can an assessment of the situation today and certain assumptions about the future political development of relations in this country be made. Therefore, in the first part of this paper the development of the constitutionality of the Republic of Turkey is shown and after that there follows an assessment of the current situation, in particular, possible future developments according to the recently adopted constitutional changes. Above all, both the role of the most significant politicians is taken into account as well as the role of the extra political factors which have shaped and directed constitutional development of this country.
Demokracija se obično shvaća kao organizirani oblik vlasti koji karakterizira vladavina naroda. Velik broj građana vjeruje u demokraciju kao najpoželjniji oblik vlasti. S druge pak strane, sve je više prisutno nezadovoljstvo građana, razočarenje u demokratske institucije i sve manje povjerenje u izabranu vlast. Kroz ovaj rad nastojala se dati šira slika ovog problema te ukazati na teoretske probleme demokracije, ali i one u stvarnim demokratskim sustavima. Teoretski temelji rada osnivaju se na radovima teoretičara kao što su Robert Dahl, David Held i Joseph Schumpeter. Nedostaci demokracije, ali i njen potencijalni novi smjer prikazan je kroz primjere Turske i Katalonije. Jednakim demokratskim mehanizmom, a s potpuno različitim interesima i Turska i Katalonija udaljile su se od zamišljenog demokratskog ideala te su na taj način poslužile kao koristan primjer za potkrjepljivanje iznesenih tvrdnji u cijelom radu. Ovi primjeri ukazuju i na krizu demokracije, ali i na njen novi smjer u suvremenim političkim sustavima. Demokracija možda u svojoj suštini i nije toliko loša već je problematična njena primjena u stvarnim uvjetima koji stalno zahtijevaju prilagodbu postojećem stanju, rješavanje novih prepreka i problema. ; Democracy as a broad term is usually understood as an organised form of governance characterised by the rule of people. The majority of the citizens believes in democracy to be the best possible and the most desirable form of governance. On the other hand, discontent and disappointment in the democratic institutions as well as distrust in the elected officials has been more and more prominent. The bigger picture of this problem is described throughout this thesis. The main goal was to highlight the problems with the theoretical idea of democracy but also the problems within actual democratic systems in the modern era. Theoretical foundations of this thesis are based on the works of authors like Robert Dahl, David Held and Joseph Schumpeter. Using the examples of recent political events in Turkey and ...
Demokracija se obično shvaća kao organizirani oblik vlasti koji karakterizira vladavina naroda. Velik broj građana vjeruje u demokraciju kao najpoželjniji oblik vlasti. S druge pak strane, sve je više prisutno nezadovoljstvo građana, razočarenje u demokratske institucije i sve manje povjerenje u izabranu vlast. Kroz ovaj rad nastojala se dati šira slika ovog problema te ukazati na teoretske probleme demokracije, ali i one u stvarnim demokratskim sustavima. Teoretski temelji rada osnivaju se na radovima teoretičara kao što su Robert Dahl, David Held i Joseph Schumpeter. Nedostaci demokracije, ali i njen potencijalni novi smjer prikazan je kroz primjere Turske i Katalonije. Jednakim demokratskim mehanizmom, a s potpuno različitim interesima i Turska i Katalonija udaljile su se od zamišljenog demokratskog ideala te su na taj način poslužile kao koristan primjer za potkrjepljivanje iznesenih tvrdnji u cijelom radu. Ovi primjeri ukazuju i na krizu demokracije, ali i na njen novi smjer u suvremenim političkim sustavima. Demokracija možda u svojoj suštini i nije toliko loša već je problematična njena primjena u stvarnim uvjetima koji stalno zahtijevaju prilagodbu postojećem stanju, rješavanje novih prepreka i problema. ; Democracy as a broad term is usually understood as an organised form of governance characterised by the rule of people. The majority of the citizens believes in democracy to be the best possible and the most desirable form of governance. On the other hand, discontent and disappointment in the democratic institutions as well as distrust in the elected officials has been more and more prominent. The bigger picture of this problem is described throughout this thesis. The main goal was to highlight the problems with the theoretical idea of democracy but also the problems within actual democratic systems in the modern era. Theoretical foundations of this thesis are based on the works of authors like Robert Dahl, David Held and Joseph Schumpeter. Using the examples of recent political events in Turkey and ...
Kurdi su koncentrirani na nepristupačnom području planina Zagros i Taurskog gorja što se smatra njihovim etničkim prostorom pod nazivom Kurdistan. Unatoč brojnosti, Kurdi nemaju vlastitu nacionalnu državu, već je prostor Kurdistana podijeljeno između četiri države- Turske, Irana, Iraka i Sirije. Svrha rada je pronaći glavne uzroke zbog čega Kurdi nisu iskoristili povijesnu priliku za osnivanje neovisne države nakon raspada Osmanskog Carstva i ispitati mogućnost za osnivanje Kurdistana u budućnosti. Radi tradicionalne podjele u kurdskom društvu na plemena i klanove, Kurdi su kasnije formirali modernu nacionalnu svijest i osjećaj pripadnosti jedinstvenom narodu. Kroz dvadeseto stoljeće slabi plemenska struktura, ali se podjela nastavlja u obliku političkog sukoba kurdskih stranaka oko ciljeva i metoda rješavanja kurdskog pitanja. Oprečni stavovi kurdskog naroda oko pitanja ujedinjenja kurdskih regija u jedinstvenu državu onemogućuje njihovo zajedničko istupanje. U daljnjem tekstu se ističe da međunarodna zajednica nije sklona osnivanju neovisne kurdske države jer bi spomenuto pridonijelo destabilizaciji već turbulentne regije. Regionalne sile neće dopustiti ugrozu vlastitog teritorijalnog integriteta, a velike sile koriste Kurde kao sredstvo za ostvarivanje pojedinih interesa u regiji. ; The Kurds are inhabiting an inaccessible area of the Zagros and Taurus mountains which is considered their ethnic space called Kurdistan. Despite of vast number of the Kurdish people, their independent country does not exist and the territory of Kurdistan is divided by 4 different countries – Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. The main purpose of this research was to discover the real reason why Kurds did not take an advantage of a historical opportunity to establish an independent country after the fall of the Ottoman Empire and to consider a possibility of establishing Kurdistan in the future. Because Kurds are traditionally divided into tribes and clans, later they have formed a modern idea of national consciousness and an ...
Odlukom Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva da napusti Europsku uniju, kao i usporavanjem procesa proširenja Europske unije na zemlje Zapadnog Balkana i Tursku, pojavila se nova fraza u europskom političkom rječniku: Europa izvan Europske unije. Ta fraza, koju promoviraju tvorci britanske vanjske politike, vraća na dnevni red raspravu o europskom identitetu. U ovom članku analiziraju se kompleksni i različiti odgovori na pitanja kao što su tko je, što je, kad je i gdje je Europa, gdje je njezina granica i tko su Drugi u odnosu na nju. Pitanju identiteta Europe pristupa se iz konstruktivističke perspektive, kroz analizu definiranja Sebstva i Drugosti. Iako je Europa nakon Hladnog rata proklamirala kao svoj cilj ujedinjenje i emancipaciju od Drugih, ona je ostala vezana uz Sjedinjene Američke Države kroz koncept euroatlantizma, a u nekim aspektima i uz Rusiju kroz ideju o Euroaziji. U suvremenim okolnostima Europska je unija sve udaljenija od ideala o jednoj i ujedinjenoj Europi. Umjesto toga, ona više liči na lȕk, sa svojim jezgrom, unutarnjom i izvanjskoj periferijom, kao i s vanjskim akterima koji su polupovezani s Europom zbog povijesnih i strateških razloga. Zbog toga se postavlja pitanje je li Europu uopće moguće definirati kao cjelinu u odnosu na njezine susjede i na druge zainteresirane aktere (Rusiju, SAD i Tursku) ili je njezin identitet određen upravo nemogućnošću takvoga jednoznačnog definiranja. ; Following the decision of the United Kingdom to leave the European Union and in the light of the slowing down of the EU enlargement in the Western Balkans and Turkey, a new phrase emerged in the European political vocabulary – Europe outside the European Union. This phrase, promoted by British foreign policy designers, brings the issue of the European identity back on the agenda. Who, what, when and where is Europe, and who are the Others in relation to Europe? In this article, we analyse the complex and mutually divergent replies to the question of the European identity by using a constructivist approach, based on the definitions of the European Self and Other. Despite proclaiming an ambition to unite and emancipate itself from the Others, Europe remained connected to the United States after the Cold War through the concept of Euro Atlanticism. The competing concept of Eurasia – marking a link between Europe and Russia – is also becoming popular in the areas of European inner and external peripheries. Contemporary Europe is far from being "united in diversities" – it looks more like an onion instead with its core countries, internal and external peripheries and influential external stakeholders that are semi-detached to it for historical and strategic reasons. The author therefore puts forward a question of whether it is at all possible to define Europe as the Other to its neighbours and other external stakeholders such as Russia, the US and Turkey. Would it not be more appropriate to define Europe through a permanent notion of being in-between its own Others, rather than through its own clearly marked and defined Self?
Na temelju građe nekoliko fondova Arhiva Jugoslavije i dostupne dokumentacije međunarodnih institucija zaduženih za kontrolu opijumske proizvodnje i prometa, ovaj rad rekonstruira malo poznate aspekte američko-jugoslavenskih odnosa tijekom 1930-ih koji prelaze domenu privredne suradnje. U tekstu je rekonstruirano nekoliko faza izvoza kvalitetnoga jugoslavenskoga (makedonskoga) sirovog opijuma američkim farmaceutskim kompanijama: od 1929. do 1934., kada su gotovo čitavu godišnju proizvodnju otkupljivale američke tvornice, preko perioda poslovanja tursko-jugoslavenskoga Centralnog biroa obilježenog međusobnim opstrukcijama i rivalstvom na američkom tržištu, pa do faze kada je stupanj ilegalne prerade i krijumčarenja droge u Jugoslaviji ugrozio odnose sa Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama uoči izbijanja Drugoga svjetskog rata. ; Due to its large morphine content, Yugoslav medical opium was an exception-ally sought-after pharmaceutical raw material, and therefore exported to leading processing plants in Germany, Switzerland, and France till 1928, when American plants began buying up almost the entire production. After 1932, yearly production of raw opium in Yugoslavia stabilised at 35-48 tons, with 99% of the production being absorbed by the American pharmaceutical companies Merck & Co. and Mallinckrodt Chemical Works, at prices significantly greater than those in Europe. However, the enthusiasm about exporting the entire yearly opium production to the USA was put into question in early 1934, when the Turkish-Yugoslav Central Bureau for raw opium export began operating in Istanbul. It comprised representatives of the Turkish Opium Export Institute and the Yugoslav Opium Export Institute (Jugoslovenski zavod za izvoz opijuma – JUZOP). The Yugoslav participation quota of 23-26% hindered the previous level of export to America, which generated resistance towards further cooperation with Turkey in Belgrade. Thus, disputes about placing opium on the American market led to a short-lived blockade of Yugoslav opium import, while the appearance of cheap Iranian opium in Europe further emboldened the Turkish side in the Central Bureau to compensate its loss of the European market by obstructing its Yugoslav partners in dealing with American plants. Apart from this, the debts of the American Eli Lilly plant towards the JUZOP on the day of the Central Bureau's liquidation in late June 1941 further contributed towards the impression that Yugoslavia was actually suffering a loss by exporting opium in collaboration with Turkey. According to official Ministry of Agriculture data, a total of 688 tons of raw opium worth 386 million dinars were exported from the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the 1927–1939 period. On a yearly level, this amounted to an average of 42 tons of opium worth 29 million dinars, which equalled, for example, the average yearly budget revenue of the entire Vardar Banate (province). Since yearly opium smuggling in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia stood at around 8-10 tons of opium, one can conclude that almost a quarter of the legal production actually ended up in illegal trafficking. If the smuggling of processed opium derivates (morphine, heroin, codeine) to the USA is added to these figures, and if one keeps in mind the links of the Belgrade and Skopje smuggling organisations with leading European networks for drug trafficking across the Atlantic (Eliopoulos, Bacula, Raskin), then the increased interest of the League of Nations and American diplomacy for the situation in Yugoslavia from late 1937 becomes more understandable. The direct pressure of the American embassy in Paris, which operated a "service" for tracking narcotics smuggling, influenced the Yugoslav authorities to enact harsher laws and at least temporarily reign in the increasingly aggressive criminalisation of a formerly perspective branch of agriculture.
Na temelju građe nekoliko fondova Arhiva Jugoslavije i dostupne dokumentacije međunarodnih institucija zaduženih za kontrolu opijumske proizvodnje i prometa, ovaj rad rekonstruira malo poznate aspekte američko-jugoslavenskih odnosa tijekom 1930-ih koji prelaze domenu privredne suradnje. U tekstu je rekonstruirano nekoliko faza izvoza kvalitetnoga jugoslavenskoga (makedonskoga) sirovog opijuma američkim farmaceutskim kompanijama: od 1929. do 1934., kada su gotovo čitavu godišnju proizvodnju otkupljivale američke tvornice, preko perioda poslovanja tursko-jugoslavenskoga Centralnog biroa obilježenog međusobnim opstrukcijama i rivalstvom na američkom tržištu, pa do faze kada je stupanj ilegalne prerade i krijumčarenja droge u Jugoslaviji ugrozio odnose sa Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama uoči izbijanja Drugoga svjetskog rata. ; Due to its large morphine content, Yugoslav medical opium was an exception-ally sought-after pharmaceutical raw material, and therefore exported to leading processing plants in Germany, Switzerland, and France till 1928, when American plants began buying up almost the entire production. After 1932, yearly production of raw opium in Yugoslavia stabilised at 35-48 tons, with 99% of the production being absorbed by the American pharmaceutical companies Merck & Co. and Mallinckrodt Chemical Works, at prices significantly greater than those in Europe. However, the enthusiasm about exporting the entire yearly opium production to the USA was put into question in early 1934, when the Turkish-Yugoslav Central Bureau for raw opium export began operating in Istanbul. It comprised representatives of the Turkish Opium Export Institute and the Yugoslav Opium Export Institute (Jugoslovenski zavod za izvoz opijuma – JUZOP). The Yugoslav participation quota of 23-26% hindered the previous level of export to America, which generated resistance towards further cooperation with Turkey in Belgrade. Thus, disputes about placing opium on the American market led to a short-lived blockade of Yugoslav opium import, while the appearance of cheap Iranian opium in Europe further emboldened the Turkish side in the Central Bureau to compensate its loss of the European market by obstructing its Yugoslav partners in dealing with American plants. Apart from this, the debts of the American Eli Lilly plant towards the JUZOP on the day of the Central Bureau's liquidation in late June 1941 further contributed towards the impression that Yugoslavia was actually suffering a loss by exporting opium in collaboration with Turkey. According to official Ministry of Agriculture data, a total of 688 tons of raw opium worth 386 million dinars were exported from the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the 1927–1939 period. On a yearly level, this amounted to an average of 42 tons of opium worth 29 million dinars, which equalled, for example, the average yearly budget revenue of the entire Vardar Banate (province). Since yearly opium smuggling in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia stood at around 8-10 tons of opium, one can conclude that almost a quarter of the legal production actually ended up in illegal trafficking. If the smuggling of processed opium derivates (morphine, heroin, codeine) to the USA is added to these figures, and if one keeps in mind the links of the Belgrade and Skopje smuggling organisations with leading European networks for drug trafficking across the Atlantic (Eliopoulos, Bacula, Raskin), then the increased interest of the League of Nations and American diplomacy for the situation in Yugoslavia from late 1937 becomes more understandable. The direct pressure of the American embassy in Paris, which operated a "service" for tracking narcotics smuggling, influenced the Yugoslav authorities to enact harsher laws and at least temporarily reign in the increasingly aggressive criminalisation of a formerly perspective branch of agriculture.
