Suchergebnisse

The Committee for Free Europe (CFE) was established by the USA State Department with the financial support of the CIA with the purpose to unite emigré organizations from Eastern Europe. The major purpose of the CFE was the establishment of Radio Free Europe broadcasts to the nations left behind the Iron Curtain. The formation of the Baltic states' national committees was left open until the final set of the foreign policy of the USA towards these countries. The Lithuanian Consultative Pannel was established in 1951. Soon after the establishment, the USA State Department postponed the Radio Free Europe broadcasts to Lithuania. Although this decision was unexpected to the Baltic émigré groups and the National Committee of Free Europe, the Consultative Panel continued its activities. The Committee for Free Lithuania was established in 1952, became a body of the CFE, and started its activities towards the liberation of captivated Lithuania. The basic fields of the Committee for Free Lithuania were to rise the question of the Baltic states' occupation in international organizations, to monitor the press, to prepare news packages for the broadcasts of the Radio Free Europe and the Voice of America. The activities of the Committee for Free Lithuania were most unsuccessful in the unification of Lithuanian émigré groups in the USA. The activities of the Committee for Free Lithuania were restricted by the general foreign policy of the USA. By the end of the sixties, due to the structural changes in the Committee for Free Europe, the activities of the national Committees, including Lithuanian, were transferred to the framework of the Assembly of Captive European Nations.

In recent decades when the concept 'Regional Europe' is becoming more popular and regions are becoming more significant players on national and international levels, bigger attention is paid to regionalism studies and regionalisation processes as well. These processes have not bypassed Nordic countries, which promote cooperation within the Baltic region by involving the Baltic States into the regional processes as well. USA has received an important role in the processes of development of the Baltic Sea region, to which belong both Northern and the Baltic States; this region has become attractive to USA because of its increasing influence in the region and Europe, and it was a good opportunity for USA to maintain its influence in Europe after the end of the Cold war. The main object of this work is cooperation between Nordic - Baltic countries and USA in the context of development of the regional initiatives. This paper work tries to investigate dynamics of cooperation between Nordic and the Baltic States and USA by assessing the superpower impact and influence on cooperation of two sub-regional states in the Baltic Sea region. When assessing tendencies of cooperation between Northern and the Baltic States and USA, most attention is paid to the format (NB8+1) of regional group NB8 collaborating with USA, JAV, and Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe (E-PINE) program initiated by this state. In order to achieve the goal, the following tasks have been fulfilled: review of the conception, essential definitions and terms of regional development and regionalism/sub-regionalism, discussion of the place of the regional level analysis in political theories of international relations; review and assessment of (sub)regionalism processes among Nordic-Baltic countries; evaluation of USA role in the region by taking into consideration the interests, motives and influence of this superpower on dynamics of regional cooperation within Northern and the Baltic States, and review and evaluation of the tendencies of cooperation of Northern and the Baltic States with USA. In order to achieve the goal and the tasks of this paper work, analytical descriptive, case study, document and comparative analysis methods were used. After the tasks are fulfilled, conclusions can be made that the most perspective self-realisation space of the Baltic States has recently been so-called Northern Arch – a dynamic region of the sovereign Baltic and Northern States maintaining close relations with transatlantic partners, the Great Britain and other EU states. USA declares the significance of those sub-regions as "a growing global partner". The superpower of the world formulates and maintains close relations with Northern and the Baltic States as with a separate region. Such distinction of the sub-region within the USA agenda (Programme of Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe) is already an obvious expression of designing its interests towards the Northern-Baltic direction.

In recent decades when the concept 'Regional Europe' is becoming more popular and regions are becoming more significant players on national and international levels, bigger attention is paid to regionalism studies and regionalisation processes as well. These processes have not bypassed Nordic countries, which promote cooperation within the Baltic region by involving the Baltic States into the regional processes as well. USA has received an important role in the processes of development of the Baltic Sea region, to which belong both Northern and the Baltic States; this region has become attractive to USA because of its increasing influence in the region and Europe, and it was a good opportunity for USA to maintain its influence in Europe after the end of the Cold war. The main object of this work is cooperation between Nordic - Baltic countries and USA in the context of development of the regional initiatives. This paper work tries to investigate dynamics of cooperation between Nordic and the Baltic States and USA by assessing the superpower impact and influence on cooperation of two sub-regional states in the Baltic Sea region. When assessing tendencies of cooperation between Northern and the Baltic States and USA, most attention is paid to the format (NB8+1) of regional group NB8 collaborating with USA, JAV, and Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe (E-PINE) program initiated by this state. In order to achieve the goal, the following tasks have been fulfilled: review of the conception, essential definitions and terms of regional development and regionalism/sub-regionalism, discussion of the place of the regional level analysis in political theories of international relations; review and assessment of (sub)regionalism processes among Nordic-Baltic countries; evaluation of USA role in the region by taking into consideration the interests, motives and influence of this superpower on dynamics of regional cooperation within Northern and the Baltic States, and review and evaluation of the tendencies of cooperation of Northern and the Baltic States with USA. In order to achieve the goal and the tasks of this paper work, analytical descriptive, case study, document and comparative analysis methods were used. After the tasks are fulfilled, conclusions can be made that the most perspective self-realisation space of the Baltic States has recently been so-called Northern Arch – a dynamic region of the sovereign Baltic and Northern States maintaining close relations with transatlantic partners, the Great Britain and other EU states. USA declares the significance of those sub-regions as "a growing global partner". The superpower of the world formulates and maintains close relations with Northern and the Baltic States as with a separate region. Such distinction of the sub-region within the USA agenda (Programme of Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe) is already an obvious expression of designing its interests towards the Northern-Baltic direction.

In recent decades when the concept 'Regional Europe' is becoming more popular and regions are becoming more significant players on national and international levels, bigger attention is paid to regionalism studies and regionalisation processes as well. These processes have not bypassed Nordic countries, which promote cooperation within the Baltic region by involving the Baltic States into the regional processes as well. USA has received an important role in the processes of development of the Baltic Sea region, to which belong both Northern and the Baltic States; this region has become attractive to USA because of its increasing influence in the region and Europe, and it was a good opportunity for USA to maintain its influence in Europe after the end of the Cold war. The main object of this work is cooperation between Nordic - Baltic countries and USA in the context of development of the regional initiatives. This paper work tries to investigate dynamics of cooperation between Nordic and the Baltic States and USA by assessing the superpower impact and influence on cooperation of two sub-regional states in the Baltic Sea region. When assessing tendencies of cooperation between Northern and the Baltic States and USA, most attention is paid to the format (NB8+1) of regional group NB8 collaborating with USA, JAV, and Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe (E-PINE) program initiated by this state. In order to achieve the goal, the following tasks have been fulfilled: review of the conception, essential definitions and terms of regional development and regionalism/sub-regionalism, discussion of the place of the regional level analysis in political theories of international relations; review and assessment of (sub)regionalism processes among Nordic-Baltic countries; evaluation of USA role in the region by taking into consideration the interests, motives and influence of this superpower on dynamics of regional cooperation within Northern and the Baltic States, and review and evaluation of the tendencies of cooperation of Northern and the Baltic States with USA. In order to achieve the goal and the tasks of this paper work, analytical descriptive, case study, document and comparative analysis methods were used. After the tasks are fulfilled, conclusions can be made that the most perspective self-realisation space of the Baltic States has recently been so-called Northern Arch – a dynamic region of the sovereign Baltic and Northern States maintaining close relations with transatlantic partners, the Great Britain and other EU states. USA declares the significance of those sub-regions as "a growing global partner". The superpower of the world formulates and maintains close relations with Northern and the Baltic States as with a separate region. Such distinction of the sub-region within the USA agenda (Programme of Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe) is already an obvious expression of designing its interests towards the Northern-Baltic direction.

In the 21st century security situation has changed – international community has faced with a new kind of threats: terrorism and weapons of mass destruction. A progress of science and technology has become the two-edged sword in hand of terrorists and rogue states. In this context deterrence no longer could ensure security. Therefore attention was called to the other means of defense – preventive and preemptive strikes. Preventive strike is a military strike initiated in the belief that military conflict, while not imminent, is inevitable, and that to delay would involve greater risk. Preemptive strike is an attack initiated on the basis of incontrovertible evidence that an enemy attack is imminent. Several states have expressed intention to use preemptive strikes: USA, Russia, Australia, Italy, United Kingdom, but for the meantime only USA has implemented this strategy. The question is whether the other states will follow USA's example. In this article the subject of preemptive strikes is considered in aspect of probability to use this means of policy. The object of analysis in this article is the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. The purpose of the article is to compare the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. Several factors were chosen to define the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. They are: state's attitude towards preemptive strikes, military capabilities, state's self-perception in the international stage, the attitude of international community towards preemptive strikes. The probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes is analysed employing several methods of analysis: analysis of documents, description and comparative method.[.].

In the 21st century security situation has changed – international community has faced with a new kind of threats: terrorism and weapons of mass destruction. A progress of science and technology has become the two-edged sword in hand of terrorists and rogue states. In this context deterrence no longer could ensure security. Therefore attention was called to the other means of defense – preventive and preemptive strikes. Preventive strike is a military strike initiated in the belief that military conflict, while not imminent, is inevitable, and that to delay would involve greater risk. Preemptive strike is an attack initiated on the basis of incontrovertible evidence that an enemy attack is imminent. Several states have expressed intention to use preemptive strikes: USA, Russia, Australia, Italy, United Kingdom, but for the meantime only USA has implemented this strategy. The question is whether the other states will follow USA's example. In this article the subject of preemptive strikes is considered in aspect of probability to use this means of policy. The object of analysis in this article is the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. The purpose of the article is to compare the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. Several factors were chosen to define the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. They are: state's attitude towards preemptive strikes, military capabilities, state's self-perception in the international stage, the attitude of international community towards preemptive strikes. The probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes is analysed employing several methods of analysis: analysis of documents, description and comparative method.[.].

In the 21st century security situation has changed – international community has faced with a new kind of threats: terrorism and weapons of mass destruction. A progress of science and technology has become the two-edged sword in hand of terrorists and rogue states. In this context deterrence no longer could ensure security. Therefore attention was called to the other means of defense – preventive and preemptive strikes. Preventive strike is a military strike initiated in the belief that military conflict, while not imminent, is inevitable, and that to delay would involve greater risk. Preemptive strike is an attack initiated on the basis of incontrovertible evidence that an enemy attack is imminent. Several states have expressed intention to use preemptive strikes: USA, Russia, Australia, Italy, United Kingdom, but for the meantime only USA has implemented this strategy. The question is whether the other states will follow USA's example. In this article the subject of preemptive strikes is considered in aspect of probability to use this means of policy. The object of analysis in this article is the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. The purpose of the article is to compare the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. Several factors were chosen to define the probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes. They are: state's attitude towards preemptive strikes, military capabilities, state's self-perception in the international stage, the attitude of international community towards preemptive strikes. The probability of USA and Russia to use preemptive strikes is analysed employing several methods of analysis: analysis of documents, description and comparative method.[.].

Many separate economics after world economic crises are looking to help their economies improve faster through export. Recently some accusations between main world exporters to USA have risen for possible exchange rate manipulation, with intention to increase export. According to results of the paper, these accusations are reasonable. In the first part of the paper the theory analysis on export and exchange rate is presented. Also there is a review of other researches of exchange rate influence on export and possible manipulation of same exchange rate. In the second part of the paper hypothesis of the research, data and econometric model is presented. In the last part of the study there are results of the research. According to the results, Mexico's and Canada's exports to USA have elasticity of exchange rate. Also Granger causality of exchange rate on separate exports of Mexico, Canada, Japan, China and European Union has been found. These results justify the accusations and tension between mentioned exporters

Many separate economics after world economic crises are looking to help their economies improve faster through export. Recently some accusations between main world exporters to USA have risen for possible exchange rate manipulation, with intention to increase export. According to results of the paper, these accusations are reasonable. In the first part of the paper the theory analysis on export and exchange rate is presented. Also there is a review of other researches of exchange rate influence on export and possible manipulation of same exchange rate. In the second part of the paper hypothesis of the research, data and econometric model is presented. In the last part of the study there are results of the research. According to the results, Mexico's and Canada's exports to USA have elasticity of exchange rate. Also Granger causality of exchange rate on separate exports of Mexico, Canada, Japan, China and European Union has been found. These results justify the accusations and tension between mentioned exporters

Many separate economics after world economic crises are looking to help their economies improve faster through export. Recently some accusations between main world exporters to USA have risen for possible exchange rate manipulation, with intention to increase export. According to results of the paper, these accusations are reasonable. In the first part of the paper the theory analysis on export and exchange rate is presented. Also there is a review of other researches of exchange rate influence on export and possible manipulation of same exchange rate. In the second part of the paper hypothesis of the research, data and econometric model is presented. In the last part of the study there are results of the research. According to the results, Mexico's and Canada's exports to USA have elasticity of exchange rate. Also Granger causality of exchange rate on separate exports of Mexico, Canada, Japan, China and European Union has been found. These results justify the accusations and tension between mentioned exporters

The purpose of this paper is to assess the development of relations between Russia and the two Western power centres, the United States of America and the European Union, in 2003 – 2004. It goes without saying that it would be quite problematic and risky to formulate an unequivocal evaluation of this dynamic phenomenon. The author, however, sought to identify and determine the key trends of development. This was done through a search for answers to more specific questions: what was the strategy of Russia's foreign policy, how did it interact with the goals and aspirations of the USA and EU, and, finally, toward what – convergence or alienation – did evolve the dialogue between the global power centres that are of greatest importance for the Central and Eastern European countries. These tasks have dictated the trinomial structure of the paper. The first part deals with the changes in the Russian foreign policy strategy in recent years. It shows how, upon sensible assessment of its opportunities, Russia abandoned its former rush-about and concentrated on the inclusion of the CIS states (the Ukraine in particular) in its political orbit. The second and the third part of the paper analyse the peculiarities and ups and downs of Russia's relations with the USA and the EU respectively. Despite certain variations, the development of these relations increasingly shows signs of alienation and cooling, which were partly masked by the intention of the EU larger Member States, in particular of the Germany, to maintain good relations with Russia at any cost. Finally, a brief overview of the culminating event in the Russian–Western relations – the Ukrainian "orange revolution" – is presented at the end of the paper, supplemented by a broader summarisation of the period under consideration. The underlying idea of the summary is that the so-called "value gap" has been widening in the Russian-Western relations in recent years.

The purpose of this paper is to assess the development of relations between Russia and the two Western power centres, the United States of America and the European Union, in 2003 – 2004. It goes without saying that it would be quite problematic and risky to formulate an unequivocal evaluation of this dynamic phenomenon. The author, however, sought to identify and determine the key trends of development. This was done through a search for answers to more specific questions: what was the strategy of Russia's foreign policy, how did it interact with the goals and aspirations of the USA and EU, and, finally, toward what – convergence or alienation – did evolve the dialogue between the global power centres that are of greatest importance for the Central and Eastern European countries. These tasks have dictated the trinomial structure of the paper. The first part deals with the changes in the Russian foreign policy strategy in recent years. It shows how, upon sensible assessment of its opportunities, Russia abandoned its former rush-about and concentrated on the inclusion of the CIS states (the Ukraine in particular) in its political orbit. The second and the third part of the paper analyse the peculiarities and ups and downs of Russia's relations with the USA and the EU respectively. Despite certain variations, the development of these relations increasingly shows signs of alienation and cooling, which were partly masked by the intention of the EU larger Member States, in particular of the Germany, to maintain good relations with Russia at any cost. Finally, a brief overview of the culminating event in the Russian–Western relations – the Ukrainian "orange revolution" – is presented at the end of the paper, supplemented by a broader summarisation of the period under consideration. The underlying idea of the summary is that the so-called "value gap" has been widening in the Russian-Western relations in recent years.

The purpose of this paper is to assess the development of relations between Russia and the two Western power centres, the United States of America and the European Union, in 2003 – 2004. It goes without saying that it would be quite problematic and risky to formulate an unequivocal evaluation of this dynamic phenomenon. The author, however, sought to identify and determine the key trends of development. This was done through a search for answers to more specific questions: what was the strategy of Russia's foreign policy, how did it interact with the goals and aspirations of the USA and EU, and, finally, toward what – convergence or alienation – did evolve the dialogue between the global power centres that are of greatest importance for the Central and Eastern European countries. These tasks have dictated the trinomial structure of the paper. The first part deals with the changes in the Russian foreign policy strategy in recent years. It shows how, upon sensible assessment of its opportunities, Russia abandoned its former rush-about and concentrated on the inclusion of the CIS states (the Ukraine in particular) in its political orbit. The second and the third part of the paper analyse the peculiarities and ups and downs of Russia's relations with the USA and the EU respectively. Despite certain variations, the development of these relations increasingly shows signs of alienation and cooling, which were partly masked by the intention of the EU larger Member States, in particular of the Germany, to maintain good relations with Russia at any cost. Finally, a brief overview of the culminating event in the Russian–Western relations – the Ukrainian "orange revolution" – is presented at the end of the paper, supplemented by a broader summarisation of the period under consideration. The underlying idea of the summary is that the so-called "value gap" has been widening in the Russian-Western relations in recent years.

The purpose of this paper is to assess the development of relations between Russia and the two Western power centres, the United States of America and the European Union, in 2003 – 2004. It goes without saying that it would be quite problematic and risky to formulate an unequivocal evaluation of this dynamic phenomenon. The author, however, sought to identify and determine the key trends of development. This was done through a search for answers to more specific questions: what was the strategy of Russia's foreign policy, how did it interact with the goals and aspirations of the USA and EU, and, finally, toward what – convergence or alienation – did evolve the dialogue between the global power centres that are of greatest importance for the Central and Eastern European countries. These tasks have dictated the trinomial structure of the paper. The first part deals with the changes in the Russian foreign policy strategy in recent years. It shows how, upon sensible assessment of its opportunities, Russia abandoned its former rush-about and concentrated on the inclusion of the CIS states (the Ukraine in particular) in its political orbit. The second and the third part of the paper analyse the peculiarities and ups and downs of Russia's relations with the USA and the EU respectively. Despite certain variations, the development of these relations increasingly shows signs of alienation and cooling, which were partly masked by the intention of the EU larger Member States, in particular of the Germany, to maintain good relations with Russia at any cost. Finally, a brief overview of the culminating event in the Russian–Western relations – the Ukrainian "orange revolution" – is presented at the end of the paper, supplemented by a broader summarisation of the period under consideration. The underlying idea of the summary is that the so-called "value gap" has been widening in the Russian-Western relations in recent years.

The purpose of this paper is to assess the development of relations between Russia and the two Western power centres, the United States of America and the European Union, in 2003 – 2004. It goes without saying that it would be quite problematic and risky to formulate an unequivocal evaluation of this dynamic phenomenon. The author, however, sought to identify and determine the key trends of development. This was done through a search for answers to more specific questions: what was the strategy of Russia's foreign policy, how did it interact with the goals and aspirations of the USA and EU, and, finally, toward what – convergence or alienation – did evolve the dialogue between the global power centres that are of greatest importance for the Central and Eastern European countries. These tasks have dictated the trinomial structure of the paper. The first part deals with the changes in the Russian foreign policy strategy in recent years. It shows how, upon sensible assessment of its opportunities, Russia abandoned its former rush-about and concentrated on the inclusion of the CIS states (the Ukraine in particular) in its political orbit. The second and the third part of the paper analyse the peculiarities and ups and downs of Russia's relations with the USA and the EU respectively. Despite certain variations, the development of these relations increasingly shows signs of alienation and cooling, which were partly masked by the intention of the EU larger Member States, in particular of the Germany, to maintain good relations with Russia at any cost. Finally, a brief overview of the culminating event in the Russian–Western relations – the Ukrainian "orange revolution" – is presented at the end of the paper, supplemented by a broader summarisation of the period under consideration. The underlying idea of the summary is that the so-called "value gap" has been widening in the Russian-Western relations in recent years.