Suchergebnisse

Les projets de « ville durable » se sont aujourd'hui multipliés à travers le monde. Comment interpréter cet engouement généralisé ?Est-ce une nouvelle façon de concevoir les relations entre sociétés urbaines et environnements naturels ?Dans un contexte d'accélération de l'urbanisation, plutôt que d'acter l'inauguration de nouvelles politiques urbaines, la nécessité d'une analyse des pratiques, représentations et discours de la durabilité urbaine, assortie d'un recul critique s'imposent. C'est l'objectif de cet ouvrage. Il rassemble les travaux actuels de spécialistes en géographie, sociologie et urbanisme, ainsi qu'en architecture, agronomie, lettres, paysagisme, et interroge les dynamiques socio-spatiales de diffusion et de traduction du mot d'ordre désormais mondial de « durabilité urbaine », sur des aires différenciées, en conjuguant les regards « macro » et « micro ». Confrontant de façon originale villes du nord et villes du sud, l'ouvrage donne des clés de compréhension sur la façon dont le projet de « ville durable » a pu devenir le symbole de ce contre quoi il est censé lutter :un « verdissement » inégal de la ville, facteur de ségrégation sociale. Si une ville naturalisée apparaît bien au cœur de la « ville durable », elle procède moins de l'application d'un paradigme idéologique, d'une régulation politique « par le haut » que d'une mosaïque d'initiatives, croisant ambiances, pratiques sociales et récits ordinaires. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

En réponse à une crise sociale, politique, économique mais aussi territoriale due à un urbanisme fonctionnel et globalisé, des associations et collectifs s'engagent. Ils réagissent et investissent les territoires péri-ruraux, ruraux, urbains ou encore péri-urbains avec de nouvelles valeurs d'approche et d'action. Sont-ils des acteurs qui apaisent les tensions, maintiennent le cours des événements ou déclenchent des initiatives plus endogènes et autogérées dans un but d'émancipation ? « Nouveaux praticiens urbains » ou acteurs classiques, comment les définir et les appréhender au mieux ? Quelles sont les ambitions et valeurs de ces collectifs ? Quels sont leurs outils ? Les particularités de ces derniers ? Quelle est leur échelle d'action ? Sont-elles plurielles ? Quelle transposition est-il possible à d'autres échelles ? Qu'est-ce-qui fait innovation dans leurs démarches ? Si tant est que leurs actions s'inscrivent dans une dynamique innovante ? Et à la vue de tout cela, y-a-t-il un changement de paradigme qui s'établit dans le champ territorial ? Un regard plus spécifique sera porté sur les pratiques de l'association des Robins des Villes, qui depuis 1997, s'engage dans une démarche d'éducation populaire à la ville. Mais aussi aux projets d'aménagement et de réappropriation des friches communément connues comme « interstices urbains ». Quels sont les enjeux et les ambitions poursuivies sur ces territoires incertains ?

Urbanism as process and product is the source and profit of capital production. Hence the city, its urban fabric and socio-spatial structure manifest and correlate with its economy. Historically the image of the urban skyline of church and civic towers was the visual manifestation of this economy. In contemporary times this has been replaced by the vision of corporate skyscraper buildings. Taking London as an example, this presentation will analyse a series of urban views from the Mayor of London's London View Management Framework to argue how this policy guide purports a controlled view, and thus 'image', of London that exerts ideologically constructed politically positioned value systems that shape how we relate societally and to public space. These views are constructed to perpetuate and engender imaginative past state, and current and future neoliberal desires. Yet at the same time they highlight a paradox between the desire to designate and protect views of St Paul's Cathedral and other historical buildings - the heritage of state power and empire - image of London - and simultaneously the 'need' (neoliberal, capitalist, economic, political) to create and purport an aesthetic urban skyline image of financial affluence and economic power – a 'world city' – espoused through the development of tall buildings throughout the capital and the City of London.

En réponse à une crise sociale, politique, économique mais aussi territoriale due à un urbanisme fonctionnel et globalisé, des associations et collectifs s'engagent. Ils réagissent et investissent les territoires péri-ruraux, ruraux, urbains ou encore péri-urbains avec de nouvelles valeurs d'approche et d'action. Sont-ils des acteurs qui apaisent les tensions, maintiennent le cours des événements ou déclenchent des initiatives plus endogènes et autogérées dans un but d'émancipation ? « Nouveaux praticiens urbains » ou acteurs classiques, comment les définir et les appréhender au mieux ? Quelles sont les ambitions et valeurs de ces collectifs ? Quels sont leurs outils ? Les particularités de ces derniers ? Quelle est leur échelle d'action ? Sont-elles plurielles ? Quelle transposition est-il possible à d'autres échelles ? Qu'est-ce-qui fait innovation dans leurs démarches ? Si tant est que leurs actions s'inscrivent dans une dynamique innovante ? Et à la vue de tout cela, y-a-t-il un changement de paradigme qui s'établit dans le champ territorial ? Un regard plus spécifique sera porté sur les pratiques de l'association des Robins des Villes, qui depuis 1997, s'engage dans une démarche d'éducation populaire à la ville. Mais aussi aux projets d'aménagement et de réappropriation des friches communément connues comme « interstices urbains ». Quels sont les enjeux et les ambitions poursuivies sur ces territoires incertains ?

Although urban planning and design presents a discipline that is strongly influenced by international and interurban exchange, urban landscapes are far from globally convergent but instead reveal local characteristics and new forms of disparity. In the fields of urban planning and design, the concept of the 'compact European city' replaced the paradigm of functionalist modernism. Although it has been contested too, the concept reached a hegemonic status in Central and Western Europe. The aim of this paper is to trace how the 'compact European city' model is travelling to Russia. Based on the case of Perm' it will be demonstrated that the concept is presented as a counter-model to Soviet and post-Soviet urbanism. Furthermore, it is promoted as a product for a transformation of Russian conurbations into prospering, international, 'European' cities. Local actors, structures and urban legacies acted as an (allowing, transforming, hindering or resisting) infrastructure for the model, which in the case of Perm' finally led to the failure of the strategy. The paper applies two bodies of literature, which involve research on the global transfer of urban concepts on the one hand and studies of postsocialist cities conceptualizing the role of (urban) legacies in the on-going transition on the other hand.

At the current conjuncture of neoliberal urbanism, when more than 20 years have passed since scholars identified the retrenchment of the federal state from urban affairs and the shift from urban govern ment to urban govern ance, those of us engaged in questions of urban politics have much yet to learn about the power relations in American cities. At the same time, we must recognize those key concepts and frameworks that have shaped our ability to understand both the processes involved in urban politics and the expressions of those processes, as they are manifest in concrete places and often, literally, in places made of concrete. The urban regime, as explained by Clarence Stone a quarter century ago in Regime Politics, is one such concept, as illustrated in a very compelling empirical investigation, that has shaped the lexicon of how we understand cities. Stone's contribution came along at a time when geographers were grappling with understanding the local and the global and their relationship to capitalism. Geographers engaged regime theory in fits and starts with other conceptual innovations in the field, including the regulation approach, flat ontologies, and relational sense of place. If we apply these three conceptual innovations to the regime approach, as I argue we should, then we get a much more robust conceptual tool to understand the contemporary urban political landscape.

AbstractWhat roles can utopia play in contemporary critical urban studies? The concept has often been treated warily, sidelined or dismissed. Recent years, however, have seen a revival of interest, as writers, activists and artists have sought openings to urban worlds that are different and better. By returning to aspects of the urban thought and practice of Henri Lefebvre in the 1960s and early 1970s, this article challenges common understandings of utopia and clarifies some of its potential uses for critical urban studies today. It explores Lefebvre's emphasis on the possible, and in particular the importance he attached to extending and realizing the possible through struggling for what seems impossible. Rather than being a free‐floating or endlessly open project, however, this engagement with the 'possible‐impossible' emerged in critical dialogue with other currents of utopian urbanism, including prospective thought then influential in France. It was also rooted in long‐ standing concerns with the critique of everyday life and with experimentation through projects with urbanists, architects and others. By attending to these often neglected aspects of Lefebvre's utopianism, a series of provocations emerge for addressing the urban question in ways that take seriously not only what urbanization processes and urban life are but also what they could become and how they might be constituted differently.

International audience ; The whole Mediterranean area is rich of a large and underestimated architectural and urban inheritance dating from the last century. The preservation of this legacy, and its transformation into a real heritage, is an ongoing process. Above technical and economic issues; general awareness and political recognition are the major topics to deal with. The large modifications induced by the so-called Arab-springs introduce a new historical edge able to define a new post-colonial timeline based on an effective mind of " post " and opening to the admission of the last century into history. ; L'espace méditerranéen est riche en architecture et en urbanisme de grande envergure qui reste sous-estimée, surtout quand on prend en considération l'héritage datant du XXème siècle.Aujourd'hui, le processus de patrimonialisation de ce patrimoine « récent » est en cours et la situation est effectivement en train de se transformer. Au-delà des questions techniques et économiques ; ce processus de prise de conscience nécessite de majeure sensibilité générale et reconnaissance politique.Les grandes modifications qu'ont été induites par les dits printemps arabes offrent le cadre pour, peut-être, dépasser les lectures linéairement post-coloniales pour définir un nouveau calendrier capable de s'émanciper de la liaison directe et presque unique avec la période coloniale et admettre le siècle dernier dans l'histoire.

International audience ; The whole Mediterranean area is rich of a large and underestimated architectural and urban inheritance dating from the last century. The preservation of this legacy, and its transformation into a real heritage, is an ongoing process. Above technical and economic issues; general awareness and political recognition are the major topics to deal with. The large modifications induced by the so-called Arab-springs introduce a new historical edge able to define a new post-colonial timeline based on an effective mind of " post " and opening to the admission of the last century into history. ; L'espace méditerranéen est riche en architecture et en urbanisme de grande envergure qui reste sous-estimée, surtout quand on prend en considération l'héritage datant du XXème siècle.Aujourd'hui, le processus de patrimonialisation de ce patrimoine « récent » est en cours et la situation est effectivement en train de se transformer. Au-delà des questions techniques et économiques ; ce processus de prise de conscience nécessite de majeure sensibilité générale et reconnaissance politique.Les grandes modifications qu'ont été induites par les dits printemps arabes offrent le cadre pour, peut-être, dépasser les lectures linéairement post-coloniales pour définir un nouveau calendrier capable de s'émanciper de la liaison directe et presque unique avec la période coloniale et admettre le siècle dernier dans l'histoire.

ABSTRACT:In contrast to North American cities, numerically named streets are a very rare occurrence in Europe. This article explores the exceptions to this rule by charting the history of street numbering in 10 European countries. The medieval and early modern 'new towns' of New Winchelsea, Mannheim and a section of St Petersburg (Vasilievsky Island) were each designed with grid-plan layouts in which the streets were identified according to an alphanumerical system. Although a range of gridiron plans have been subsequently built across the continent, the newer instances of street numbering are characteristically inconspicuous and peripherally located in suburbs or industrial estates. As a result, most European cases of street numbering play a limited role in constituting the broader urban fabric of the streetscape, with the exception of cities such as Milton Keynes that conform more to the North American model. The relative absence of street-numbering plans in European cities can largely be explained by the much longer history of urbanism in Europe compared to North America and, above all else, the privileging of the nationalistic-pedagogic imperative to name streets with the aim of instilling historical 'lessons', which has left little room for the use of street numbering as a means of rationalizing the spatial organization of European cities.

¿Qué consecuencias analíticas y metodológicas produce el considerar la urbanidad desde un punto de vista pragmático? ¿Cómo los conflictos y la interactividad definen la experiencia (social y política) de lo urbano? De qué forma son así afectados los proyectos urbanísticos y el proceso de urbanización se transforma a través de las arenas públicas en las que se moviliza la ciudadanía urbana? El proceso reciente de renovación urbana en Nanterre y la violencia que se ha apoderado de la movilidad cotidiana en Caracas sirven de referentes empíricos a este artículo. Entre el disturbio habitante y las pruebas a las que son sometidos los transeúntes, se dibujan los desafíos contemporáneos de la ecología urbana. ; Which are analytical and methodological implications to consider urbanism from a pragmatic point of view? How conflicts and interactivity define urban experience (social and political)? In what ways are assigned planning projects and the urbanization process is transformed through the public arenas in which mobilizes urban citizenship? The recent process of urban renewal in Nanterre and the violence that has gripped the Caracas daily mobility are used as empirical data in this article. Among the trouble dwellers and tests that are subjected to passerby are drawn the contemporary challenges of urban ecology.

This paper examines Ildefons Cerdà's 1860 Plan for the Urban Expansion of Barcelona; specifically, how and why it was conceived in a unique way, in which the provision of services to the population was an important part. Cerdà based his expansion proposal on an in‑depth socio-statistical study of old Barcelona's population conditions. The high mortality rates of the working‑class population and poor health and education conditions pushed Cerdà to design a new type of urban planning, which he defined as "urbanism". In his proposal for the new city, he planned the location of services such as marketplaces, schools and hospitals. The first part of this paper introduces the urban and political preconditions of Barcelona and the statistics on which Cerdà based his contribution. The second part uses location theory and a geographic information system (GIS) to analyse the pattern of location and the population served by markets and hospitals. In addition, topographic maps from 1926 and 1975 are used to study the development of the expansion up to when it was fully developed. The evolution of the city differed from Cerdà's proposal, partly due to unexpected increases in population density, the built environment, and higher amounts of building occupation. Nevertheless, Cerdà's layout of streets and avenues has prevailed.

The growth of cities is one of the most significant aspects of the contemporary transformation of African societies. Cities in Africa are the sites of major political, economic and social innovation, and thus play a critical role in national politics, domestic economic growth and social development. They are also key platforms for interaction with the wider world and mediate between global and national contexts. Cities are variously positioned in global flows of resources, goods and ideas, and are shaped by varied historical trajectories and local cultures. The result is a great diversity of urban societies across the continent. Cities in Africa are not only growing rapidly but are also undergoing deep political, economic and social trans-formation. They are changing in ways that defy usual notions of urbanism. In their dazzling complexity, they challenge most theories of the urban. African cities represent major challenges as well as opportunities. Both need to be understood and addressed if a sustainable urban future is to be achieved on the continent. The Urban Cluster of the Nordic Africa Institute, through its research, seeks to contribute to an understanding of processes of urban change in Africa. This discussion paper by Professor Garth Myers, commissioned by the Urban Cluster, is a valuable contribution to shaping the research agenda on urban Africa.

The growth of cities is one of the most significant aspects of the contemporary transformation of African societies. Cities in Africa are the sites of major political, economic and social innovation, and thus play a critical role in national politics, domestic economic growth and social development. They are also key platforms for interaction with the wider world and mediate between global and national contexts. Cities are variously positioned in global flows of resources, goods and ideas, and are shaped by varied historical trajectories and local cultures. The result is a great diversity of urban societies across the continent. Cities in Africa are not only growing rapidly but are also undergoing deep political, economic and social transformation. They are changing in ways that defy usual notions of urbanism. In their dazzling complexity, they challenge most theories of the urban. African cities represent major challenges as well as opportunities. Both need to be understood and addressed if a sustainable urban future is to be achieved on the continent. The Urban Cluster of the Nordic Africa Institute, through its research, seeks to contribute to an understanding of processes of urban change in Africa. This discussion paper by Professor AbdouMaliq Simone, commissioned by the Urban Cluster, is a valuable contribution to shaping the research agenda on urban Africa.

Urban sprawl has become, today, the topic theme of the speech for anyone who wants to debate the problem of urban groth; a problem on which disciplinary, political and institutional interest has been concerning for long. This interest mostly corresponds with the statistics (EEA, 2006) which confirm that: 75 percent of European people live in urban areas; more than a quarter of European territory is urbanized and, responding to many realistic valutations, in 2020 approximately 80 percent of European people will be living in urban areas. It's a long, still open range of investigation where this tesis has been placed on, purely occurring in response to the consciousness that knowledge, in urbanism, is a planning and cognitive action at the same time. Therefore, the research deals with the "sprawl problems" within a metropolitan urban ambit, giving answer all the following questions: What is sprawl settlement and, above all, how does it deal with territorial ambit? Is it to consider as a new periphery, or, merely, as a sort of urbanization plan resulting from a limited urbanistic praxis turned to be a pure, building license regularization? Moreover, what kind of instruments and action strategies should have to be provided in order to really answer all the questions about settlement sprawl using within the metropolitan context?