Suchergebnisse

The current uprisings in Iran following the death in police custody of Mahsa Jhina Amini, a young Kurdish woman, carry strong implications for states that have adopted a "feminist foreign policy" (FFP). The ongoing protests there allow such states as Germany to showcase the potential of their FFP by responding to the violation of women's and other marginalised groups' rights happening right now.
The intersectional and inclusive viewpoint within the feminist scholarship must be indivisible from feminist foreign policy-making. Those states who have adopted an FFP must establish clear-cut and practical measures to distinguish it from current foreign policy approaches.
Iranian women are at the epicentre of the current uprisings in Iran. However, the protests are intersectional and have mobilised a wide spectrum of marginalised groups. An FFP should showcase the voices of the latter and propose sound measures to defend their rights. In this vein, the political agency and demands of women and other marginalised groups in Iran must be clearly acknowledged and prioritised.
The standpoint of Iranians and women should be inseparable from all measures taken against the Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, modes of engagement with the latter should not be restricted to the country's nuclear programme if "security" is conceived of from a feminist viewpoint. Any compromise over the nuclear negotiations with Iran that has as its trade-off the continuation of human rights' violations shall not be made under a sound FFP.
Alternative measures should be taken in response to the brutal crackdown on the Iranian people by their government. Intersectional media outreach, sanctions targeting the political establishment, forming a diverse advisory team, and including gender in the collection as well as analysis of information are among such desirable measures. Supporting Iranian protesters and feminist networks on the ground and incorporating their standpoint should be the primary mode of engagement used.

Radikalisierungsprävention braucht eine klare, zielgerichtete Strategie. Dazu muss sie Antworten auf drei Fragen finden: Was genau ist die Radikalisierung, die hier verhindert werden soll? Welche Ursachen hat sie? Und wie lassen sich diese Ursachen beseitigen? So einfach diese Fragen klingen mögen, so schwierig ist ihre Beantwortung. Geht es um die Prävention radikaler Ideen oder um die Prävention gewalttätiger Anschläge? Sind es eher ideologische, psychologische oder politische und gesellschaftliche Faktoren, die eine Radikalisierung antreiben? In Bezug auf islamistische Radikalisierung regt das Working Paper drei mögliche Orientierungspunkte für die Entwicklung inländischer Präventionsstrategien an: Erstens: Fokus auf Gewaltprävention: Nicht alle Personen, die einer islamistischen Ideologie nahestehen, befürworten Gewalt. Umgekehrt haben nicht alle islamistischen Gewalttäterinnen und -täter eine solche Ideologie wirklich verinnerlicht. Das Problem ist daher zuallererst die religiös begründete bzw. dschihadistische Gewalt, der terroristische Anschlag. Prävention sollte sich auf die Verhinderung einer Radikalisierung zur Gewalt konzentrieren und insbesondere jene Elemente des islamistischen Spektrums adressieren, die eine Hinwendung zur Gewalt befürchten lassen. Der Salafismus in Deutschland stellt indes nur bedingt einen Nährboden für Terrorismus dar. Der Begriff der "Salafismusprävention" ist deshalb irreführend. Viele dschihadistische Anschläge in Deutschland wurden von Personen ohne direkte und enge Verbindungen in das heimische salafistische Milieu verübt. Eine primär auf Gewaltprävention gerichtete Strategie hätte über den Tellerrand des hiesigen Salafismus hinauszuschauen und transnationale dschihadistische Netzwerke stärker in den Blick zu nehmen. Zweitens: Bekämpfung von Muslimfeindlichkeit: Islamistische Radikalisierung vollzieht sich im Kontext globaler wie auch inländischer Konflikte. Radikalisierungsprävention ist deshalb immer auch eine Konfliktbearbeitung, die bei allen darin involvierten Parteien ansetzen muss. Für Deutschland heißt das unter anderem, gesamtgesellschaftlichen Desintegrationserscheinungen entgegenzuwirken. Viele muslimische Menschen mit Migrationshintergrund erleben Ausgrenzung und Diskriminierung in ihrem Alltag. Muslimfeindliche Ressentiments in der Gesellschaft nehmen in jüngster Zeit zu. Sie bieten dschihadistischen Gewalttätern 1 ein willkommenes Einfallstor, fügen sie sich doch in das von ihnen propagierte Weltbild ein, das einen Verteidigungskampf gegen die globale Unterdrückung aller Muslime beschwört. Persönliche Diskriminierungserlebnisse können dann in Bezug zu einer größeren Konfliktkonstellation gesetzt und auf diese Weise erklärt werden. Bei einigen jungen Menschen können sie - im Zusammenspiel mit anderen Faktoren - im Entschluss münden, dieser Gesellschaft den Rücken zu kehren, sie vielleicht sogar gewaltsam bekämpfen zu wollen. Ressentiments erzeugen Widerstand, Widerstand erzeugt Ressentiments. Eine Präventionsstrategie hätte diesen Teufelskreis durch Maßnahmen zu durchbrechen, die die gesamte Gesellschaft adressieren. Die Bekämpfung von Muslimfeindlichkeit leistet immer auch einen Beitrag zur Verhinderung islamistischer Radikalisierung. Drittens: Ermöglichung der gewaltfreien Austragung von Wertekonflikten: Vorurteilen entgegenzuwirken bedeutet mitnichten, bestehende gesellschaftliche Konflikte um Werte und Weltanschauungen unter den Teppich zu kehren. Die Achtung des Gegners hebt die Gegnerschaft nicht auf. Der Konflikt auf Augenhöhe schafft jedoch die Voraussetzung für seine Überführung in eine gewaltfreie und vielleicht sogar konstruktive Bahn. Die Präventionsstrategie einer offenen und pluralistischen politischen Ordnung hätte Konflikte, auch um grundsätzliche Fragen der normativen Ausgestaltung unserer Gesellschaft, anzuerkennen sowie große und kleine Räume für ihre friedliche Austragung zu schaffen. Alle Konfliktparteien haben sich selbstredend an die verfassungsrechtlichen Spielregeln zu halten. Gleichzeitig sollte eine solche Strategie auch marginalisierte Personengruppen in den Disput einbinden und womöglich fundamental abweichende Meinungen zulassen. Gewalt mag mitunter weniger der Anlass des Ausschlusses aus dem öffentlichen Streit als eine Folge davon sein. Radikalisierungsprävention ginge es dann nicht so sehr darum, Wertekonflikte zu lösen, indem Menschen auf bestimmte Weltanschauungen normiert werden; ihre vornehmste Aufgabe ist die Übertragung gewalttätiger in gewaltfreie Konflikte. Hintergrund: Dieses BICC Working Paper entstand im Projekt "Radikalisierungsprävention in Nordrhein­Westfalen: Wie können die Kapazitäten von Intermediären gestärkt werden?", das vom Ministerium für Kultur und Wissenschaft des Landes Nordrhein­Westfalen gefördert wird. Es ist der erste einer Reihe geplanter Beiträge zum Thema. Ziel der vorliegenden Übersichtsstudie ist eine erste Selbstverortung des Projekts innerhalb größerer wissenschaftlicher und politischer Debatten zu Salafismus, dschihadistischer Gewalt und Radikalisierungsprävention. Ausgehend von den hier aufgeführten Überlegungen sollen über die nächsten zwei Jahre konkrete Empfehlungen für die praktische Präventionsarbeit in Nordrhein­Westfalen erarbeitet werden.

Abstract
Research Question

How have London's racial and demographic disparities in homicide victimisation rates changed in 2 decades of the twenty-first century, with what implications for policing by consent?

Data
We collected Metropolitan Police Service homicide victimisation counts in London for each financial year (April through March) so far in the twenty-first century, by race, gender and age. We also collected the estimated residential population size of those groups from the 2001 and 2011 Census results.

Methods
We divided the number of homicides each year in each demographic category by the estimated population size of that category, and then computed victimisation rates per 100,000 for each of the 21 years. We plotted trends in the rates of each group over time, whilst calculating ratios between victimisation rates of Blacks and Whites, and of South Asians and Whites, in each year.

Findings
Over the past 2 decades in London, Black homicide victimisation rates have fallen by almost half, but they remain about 5 times higher than homicide victimisations of Whites and South Asians. Inequality of homicide rates between Black and White victimisations declined substantially, but then became worse: the most recent 5 years showed 19% more inequality than in the century's first 5 years. Three major changes in homicide inequalities have occurred since 2001: (A) The total Black homicide victimisation rate dropped by 71% from 2001 to 2014; (B) homicides of Blacks then increased by 92% in the 5 years to 2019–2020, whilst the White victimisation rate remained unchanged; (C) from 2019 to 2022, Black victimisation rates declined again by 27%, whilst White rates also declined, by 26%. Young Black males aged 16–24 were 10 to 20 times more likely than White counterparts to become homicide victims in 2017–2022. Yet Black female homicide victimisation dropped by 82% over 21 years. Female inequality reduced from up to 400% higher for Black females than Whites at the beginning of the century to 67% higher in the most recent 5 years. For Asians of all ages, inequality of homicide victimisations to Whites disappeared by 2022. Inequality persisted between young Asian males and young White males.

Conclusion
Changes in London's racial inequality in homicide victimisation are both substantial and volatile. Understanding their fall and rise may help police to renew and sustain reductions of racial inequality in risks of violence. Learning lessons about what police may have done to cause substantial reductions in Black victimisation requires both retrospective and ongoing tracking of both homicide and policing at local levels. Providing transparent tracking is also essential to public dialogue about policing strategies, which could help to renew policing by consent based on precise statistical evidence.

Any war, the war of aggression in particular, brings countless suffering: There is nothing worse than it, says the captured, the character of the novel by J. -P. Sartre "Iron in the soul", and it seems "chameleon", reminded Karl Clausewitz of the appearance of its new modules, always changes its color, i.e. nature. Today, when the first socio-cultural shock caused by the unprovoked attack of the Russians on Ukraine faded, it became clear that the so-called humandimensional side of the war, as well as the political side, has radically changed, "noble wars by rules" have gone in the past. With all the greed of destruction and suffering in the wars of the past, there was a rational aspect – to force the enemy's troops to suffer defeat and take advantage of the "fruits of victory" on the seized territory. Aggressive attack by Russian federation on Ukraine since February 2022 in its anti-human essence surpassed all previous wars, because the weak regulators, which had the aim to limit brutal violence, were rejected. They refer to humanitarian law, noble morale, universal conscience, rules and traditions of the conduct of wars, according to which civilians and buildings are not the object of attack. The targeted murder of people for their belonging to Ukrainians, the torture of children, not only of the prisoners and hostages, the shooting of priests and doctors (not combatants), the threat to use nuclear weapons have shown the meanness of the aggressor, who as T. Adorno noted, established "the pure identification of Ukrainians and death in torment". Philosophical logical and rational tools do not allow expressing the moral depth of existential threats, so it is better to use symbolic form. In particular, the symbol "Auschwitz" was used by the culturologists and philosophers of Europe after the end of the Second World, and now the names of the Ukrainian cities "Buсha", Mariupol (Azovstal) are being used to mark the Ukrainian unrivaled fight against the aggressors and the impersonal pain of thousands people tortured by Russian soldiers. The military and political authorities of the aggressor state and its silent performers have given birth to the "banality of evil" characteristic of the Nazis, fascists of Europe and the East's militarists in the Second World War, which lead to the millions of murders and the transformation of a persona into the smoke of Auschwitz. The new symbols "Mariupol" and "Azovstal" engraved the unprecedented cruelty and anti-humanity of the enemy, as well as the imminent punishment of his crimes through a common human judgment, the operation of the International Criminal Tribunal, the revenge of a just and comprehensive resistance to Russian invaders.

The article provides a historical digression on I. Vernadsky's development of foreign trade concepts, and considers its most significant factors, in particular the economic ones (freedom, mutual benefit, measure of needs, strength of economic law) and political ones (geopolitical influence, consolidation). The purpose of the article is to reveal the significance and relevance of I. Vernadsky's views on the economic and political aspects of foreign trade and assess the scientist's contribution to the development of conceptual foundations of foreign trade based on historical sources. The theoretical basis of the research is the multi-directional application of the concept of foreign trade and the interpretation of foreign trade policy as a tool for successful economic development. The historical and economic methods of analysis, and the problem-personified approach to the study of the history of economic ideas are used. The author applies the tools of systematic approach for the layout of the studied by I. Vernadsky tools for the government's activities in the field of customs policy and foreign trade. It is shown that I. Vernadsky was critical of the interpretation of an objective, and equivalent exchange and put forward the idea of the urgency of its participants' needs, emphasizing the subjective nature of any exchange operations. At the same time, the scientist condemned the violent nature of external relations and exchange. Emphasis is placed on an important place in the study of foreign trade issues by I. Vernadsky – the influence of both economic and non-economic factors, in particular the nation's level of education the and its connection with the level of trade. Also, in the article are highlighted the attitude of I. Vernadsky to the relationship of peoples, which is determined by the ratio of the size of their foreign trade. In return, asymmetry in trade can trigger the operation of the law of counteraction, which demonstrates the scientist's position on trade wars and their inevitability in the event of violence, expansion and robbery. It is emphasized that I. Vernadsky's liberalism and policy of free trade in the issue of foreign trade should be implemented in conditions of low taxes and tariff duties. High duties not only minimize the mutual benefit of the parties in foreign trade, but also, according to the scientist, set up producers of individual countries against each other. This leads to a foreign policy confrontation between the two countries and international tensions. I. Vernadsky's research of foreign trade issues in the XIX century is also relevant for the beginning of the XXI century, in particular, the idea of the importance of preventing neo-protectionism, trade conflicts and wars.

Background: The tourism industry beyond all reasonable doubt is not only one of the most rapidly growing industries in the globe but one of the largest employers generating an annual revenue of billions of dollars. However, in spite of that, the industry according to nascent studies has some profound negative socio-economic, political, cultural and environmental impacts on communities. For instance, the act of involving children in sexual activities by tourists has affected the children physically, mentally, emotionally, economically, socially and psychologically. Some have even died. Even though the precise number of victims of child sex tourism casualties and their circumstances is not scientifically well researched and documented, it is an indisputable fact that they are in millions. This lack of scholarly documentation, beyond reasoning has posed a great challenge to all concerned authorities. Thus, this research aims at addressing this gap. Purpose: The fundamental rationale for a systematic literature review is to examine the present scale and degree of the causes of child sex tourism, share knowledge to spark and inspire processes that will usher in rapid growth from all directions in the fight against the menace.
Methodology: A systematic review of the literature using information collected from different sources was actuated. Google Search Engine was used to search these articles. During the search, numerous combinations of words and phrases were used to ensure that articles reflect the most recent knowledge and scholarly works.
In essence, only peer-reviewed articles published after 2008 were selected except extract perceived to be of fundamental mileage to the study. However, articles published by dedicated international organizations working for the protection of children for years and have produced indefatigable knowledge in commercial sexual exploitation of the children were stealthily appraised. Results: Poverty, which is commonly cited, is not the sole justification for the commercial sexual exploitation of children, even though it contributes to an environment that may be a sequel to such exploitation. In sum, a range of other complex contributing factors includes consumerism, culture, economic disparities, social, political instability, environment, corruption, lack of reporting crimes, lack of and/or inadequate laws, poor enforcement, lack of interest, debt burden, structural adjustment programmes, practice of projecting women as subservient to men, discriminatory policies, poverty, natural calamities, lack of training, demand and supply, power imbalances, sex trade, family encouragement, philanthropic organizations, Internet access, crime and violence, transient workers, freedom of movement, domestic tourists, population expansion, child trafficking, individual, loss of communal farmlands; and porous borders. Conclusion: In conclusion, the causes of child sex tourism can be simply pooled and catalogued into social, economic, political, natural, technological, individual and legal causes.

Keywords: Child, child sex tourism, perpetrators, survivors, tourist, tourism.

En el año 2007 se aprobó, a nivel nacional, la Ley Orgánica 3/2007 para la igualdad efectiva de mujeres y hombres. Ese mismo año, en la Región de Murcia, se aprobó la Ley 7/2007 para la igualdad entre mujeres y hombres y la protección contra la violencia de género. Ambas leyes establecen la obligatoriedad a las administraciones públicas de elaborar y ejecutar planes de igualdad. El objetivo del trabajo de investigación que se recoge en este artículo es identificar y analizar los planes de igualdad de oportunidades entre mujeres y hombres que se han aprobado en los Ayuntamientos de la Región de Murcia hasta el año 2017. Teniendo en cuenta el objeto de estudio, se ha recurrido a una metodología cualitativa, centrada en la revisión documental. En la investigación han participado 40 municipios de la Región de Murcia. Se ha podido trabajar con 28 planes de igualdad implantados a nivel local desde 1992 hasta 2017. Los resultados del análisis indican que no existe un desarrollo adecuado de planes de igualdad de oportunidades entre mujeres y hombres a nivel local en la Región de Murcia. Destaca el escaso progreso institucional y se aprecia una carencia respecto a medidas específicas para prevenir las desigualdades de género en todos los ámbitos de la realidad social.
In 2007, Organic Law 3/2007 for the effective equality of women and men was approved at the national level. That same year, in the Region of Murcia, Law 7/2007 was approved for equality between women and men and protection against gender violence. Both laws establish the obligatory nature of public administrations to prepare and execute Equality Plans.
The objective of this research is to analyze the content of the Equal Opportunity Plans between women and men that have been approved by the City Councils of the Region of Murcia until the year 2017. Taking into account the object of study, a qualitative methodology, focused on documentary review. 40 municipalities in the Region of Murcia have participated in the research and it has been possible to work with 28 Equality Plans implemented locally from 1992 to 2017. The results of the analysis indicate that there is no adequate development of Equal Opportunity Plans among women. and men locally in the Region of Murcia. The low institutional progress stands out and there is a lack of specific measures to prevent gender inequalities in all areas of social reality. This research is a starting point towards a new approach to equality policies in the Region of Murcia, aimed at promoting, making visible and achieving real equality by eliminating gender-based social inequalities.

Book reviewed in this article:BALFOUR, A POLITICAL BIOGRAPHY. By Sydney H. Zebel.THE YOUNG LLOYD GEORGE. By John Grigg.LLOYD GEORGE, FAMILY LETTERS 1885–1936. Edited by K. O. Morgan.LIBERALS RADICALS AND SOCIAL POLITICS 1892–1914. By H. V. Emy.DOCUMENTS FROM EDWARDIAN ENGLAND 1901–1915. Edited by Donald Read.POLITICS AND THE PUBLIC CONSCIENCE: Slave Emancipation and the Abolitionist Movement in Britain. By Edith F. Hurwitz.THE MIRAGE OF POWER. By C.J. Lowe and M. L. Dockrill.ENGLISHMEN AND IRISH TROUBLES: British Public Opinion and the Making of Irish Policy 1918–22. By D. G. Boyce.BRITAIN AT BAY: Defence Against Bonaparte, 1803–14. By Richard Glover.CLASS AND IDEOLOGY IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. By R. S. Neale.ENGLAND IN THE LATER MIDDLE AGES: A Political History. By M. H. Keen.THE LOADED LINE: Australian Political Caricature 1788–1901. By M. Mahood.AUSTRALIA IN WORLD AFFAIRS 1966–1970. Edited by Gordon Greenwood and Norman Harper.VOTING FOR THE AUSTRALIAN HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 1901–1064. By Colin A. Hughes and B. D. Graham.MODERN AUSTRALIA IN DOCUMENTS. Edited by F. K. Crowley.A HISTORY OF AUSTRALIA. Volume III. The Beginning of an Australian Civilization, 1824–1851. By C. M. H. Clark.I, THE VERY BAYONET. Volume One of THE MAJESTY OF COLOUR: A life of Sir John Bates Thurston. By Deryck Scur.BLACK POLITICS: The Inevitability of Conflict: Readings. By E. S. Greenberg, N. Milner and D. J. Oison.THE SEGREGATION FACTOR IN THE FLORIDA DEMOCRATIC GUBERNATORIAL PRIMARY OF 1956. By H. L. Jacobstein.CIVIL DISORDER AND VIOLENCE: Essays on Causes and Cures. Edited by H. M. Clor.THE IBO PEOPLE AND THE EUROPEANS: The Genesis of a Relationship ‐ To 1906. By E. Isichei.THE SOVIET UNION IN ASIA. By Geoffrey Jukes.COMMUNIST PENETRATION OF THE THIRD WORLD. By Edward Taborsky.I. Jan F. Triska and David D. Finley, Soviet Foreign PolicyCHINA: The Land and Its People. By R. R. C. de Crespigny.MAINLAND CHINA TODAY. By L. R. Marchant.REPORT FROM PEKING: Observations of a Western Diplomat on the Cultural Revolution. By D. W. Fokkema.POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN POST‐WAR NAPLES. By P. A. Allum.THE FRENCH COMMUNISTS: Profiles of a People. By A. Kriegel.THE CIVIL‐MILITARY FABRIC OF WEIMAR FOREIGN POLICY. By Gaines Post, Jr.THE GERMAN IDEA OF FREEDOM: History of a Political Tradition. By Leonard Krieger.THE GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS OF WEST GERMANY. By Kurt Sontheimer. Translated by F. Doneeker.GESCHICHTE DER STAATSIDEEN. By Reinhold Zippelius.STRATEGIC THINKING AND ITS MORAL IMPLICATIONS. By Moreton A. Kaplan.ON FREEDOM AND HUMAN DIGNITY: The Importance of the Sacred in Politics. By Morton A. Kaplan.THE FELLOW‐TRAVELLERS: A Postscript to the Enlightenment. By David Caute.LEWIS NAMIER: A Biography. By Julia Namier.R. H. TAWNEY AND HIS TIMES: Socialism as Fellowship. By Ross Terrill.

"Peace and security have become a priority issue for the African continent itself, but also for
the international community. The dynamics that Africa has developed on its own as well as
the dynamics currently involved in outside support for Africa are concerned not exclusively
but in large measure with military capabilities. In fact, there have in the past been only too
many examples that clearly indicate that mechanisms put in place by African nations themselves
(e.g. the Organisation for African Unity) or by the international community have been
unwilling or unable to intervene militarily in extreme emergency situations to protect civilian
populations. Against this background, the present paper will outline the conflict situation given in Africa at present; in doing so, it will seek to determine (i) what the constitutive elements of the new African peace and security architecture are, (ii) how and in what form external actors are supporting African efforts in this regard, and (iii) what shape future challenges may take on. The paper will furthermore discuss whether the ongoing debate on the military dimension is more an indication of a 'backlog' of issues that demand more attention, or whether the discussion
must instead been seen as an indication of an overly narrow focus on the military. And not
least, the paper will look into the implications all this has for development policy.
The present paper comes to the conclusion that the ongoing African efforts and measures
aimed at implementing a new peace and security architecture must, on the whole, be seen as
positive. However, there are still a number of structural deficits that must be overcome to
implement a truly effective peace and security architecture. The efforts currently being undertaken by external actors in this field must be seen as positive. However, it would certainly not be advisable to concentrate solely on military security. There is, on the one hand, a need to
enlarge the options available for short-term responses and peace missions. Seen in these
terms, there is certainly still much work to be done in this area. On the other hand, this should
not be allowed to obscure the fact that it is essential to assign high priority to long-term efforts." (author's abstract)

Abstract: Scholars' increasing interest in studying the musical genre reggaetón reflects el género' s rising global popularity. These studies have revolved around issues such as its origin and its connection to blackness, as well as migration, political repression, and the representation of women. The political upheaval in Puerto Rico during the summer of 2019 encapsulates reggaetón's undeniable role in Puerto Rican society. However, it has typically been thought of only as a space for denouncing oppression. In this analysis I propose that reggaetón serves as a decolonial tool not only to denounce systemic violence, but also as an alternative instrument to create knowledge, and as an archive to record and portray socio-political realities of marginalized communities in Puerto Rico. Using qualitative methods and a decolonial feminist framework, I analyze the music and performance of two urban Puerto Rican artists, Villano Antillano and Cita. After providing background on how music has served as a tool of resistance in Puerto Rico, as well as a brief history of reggaetón in Puerto Rico, I analyze how social realities are presented in the lyrics of both singers. This study invites us to see emergent urban artists as subjects with agency who push back against the conventions of the genre, and their music as alternative archives upon which marginalized communities interpret, build, understand, and negotiate their social and political realities. Resúmen: El creciente interés de los académicos por estudiar el reggaetón refleja la creciente popularidad mundial del género urbano. Dichos estudios han girado en torno a aspectos como su origen y conexión con la negritud así como la migración, la represión política y la representación de las mujeres. Las protestas políticas en Puerto Rico durante el verano de 2019 resaltan el innegable rol del reggaetón en la sociedad puertorriqueña. Sin embargo, comúnmente el género se ha pensado solo como un espacio de denuncia ante la opresión. En este análisis propongo que el reggaetón sirve como una herramienta decolonial no solo para denunciar la violencia sistémica, sino también como instrumento alterno para crear conocimiento y como archivo para registrar y retratar realidades sociopolíticas de las comunidades marginalizadas en Puerto Rico. Utilizando métodos cualitativos y un marco feminista descolonial , analizo la música y el performance de dos artistas urbanas puertorriqueñas, Villano Antillano y Cita. Después de proporcionar antecedentes sobre cómo la música ha servido como herramienta de resistencia en Puerto Rico y una breve historia del reggaetón, analizo cómo se presentan las realidades sociales en las letras de ambas exponentes. Finalmente, punutalizo que este estudio nos invita a ver a las artistas urbanas emergentes como sujetes con agencia que se oponen a las convenciones del género, y su música como archivos alternativos sobre los que las comunidades marginadas interpretan, construyen, entienden y negocian sus realidades sociales y políticas. Résumé: L'intérêt croissant des chercheurs pour l'étude du reggaeton reflète la popularité mondiale grandissante de ce genre de musique urbain. Ces études se sont concentrées sur des aspects tels que ses origines et son lien avec la négritude, ainsi que sur la migration, la répression politique et la représentation des femmes. Les manifestations politiques qui ont eu lieu à Porto Rico au cours de l'été 2019 soulignent le rôle indéniable du reggaeton dans la société portoricaine. Cependant, le genre a été considéré uniquement comme un espace de dénonciation face à l'oppression. Dans cette analyse, je suggère de considérer que le reggaeton serve d'outil décolonial non seulement pour dénoncer la violence systémique, mais aussi comme instrument alternatif pour créer des connaissances et comme archive pour enregistrer et dépeindre les réalités sociopolitiques des communautés marginalisées à Porto Rico. En utilisant des méthodes qualitatives et un cadre féministe décolonial, j'analyse la musique et la performance de deux artistes urbains portoricains, Villano Antillano et Cita. Après avoir expliqué comment la musique a servi d'outil de résistance à Porto Rico et présenté un bref historique du reggaeton, j'analyse la manière dont les réalités sociales sont présentées dans les paroles des deux artistes. Enfin, je souligne que cette étude nous invite à considérer les artistes urbains émergents comme des sujets dotés d'un pouvoir d'action qui s'opposent aux conventions du genre, et leur musique comme des archives alternatives sur lesquelles les communautés marginalisées interprètent, construisent, comprennent et négocient leurs réalités sociales et politiques.

This work is about the spirit of Western civilization and its temptations. Drawing on Hegel's philosophy of history, the text explains
why, until recently, this civilization was dominant over the rest of the world. The thing is that she understood the importance of rationality, subordinated all manifestations of life to her and especially, during capitalism (modernism), developed science and technology, and produced powerful weapons. Along the way, she incorporated all the significant achievements of other civilizations and
peoples into her system of rationality. In this regard, Hegel says in the introduction to the Philosophy of History: "The only Thought which Philosophy brings with it to the contemplation of History, is the simple
conception of Reason; that Reason is the Sovereign of the World; that the history of the world, therefore, presents us with a rational process." In other words, history is exclusively occupied with showing how Reason (Mind) comes to a recognition and adoption of the Truth. Of course, rationality is something that belongs to all civilizations and peoples, but other societies, for various reasons (geographical, climatic, religious, etc.) subordinated rationality to some other imperatives. Therefore, many of these communities were non-historical. Whatever it was, the West exploited its supremacy by colonizing other civilizations and destroying some. From the usual moral point of view, it is unacceptable, criminal. However, Hegel's philosophy, somewhat in Marx and Engels's interpretation, says something else. History makes sense. Its primary goal is to preserve humankind from anything that could destroy it, especially from various natural cataclysms and deadly diseases. The meaning of history is also its progress towards civil society as the realization of freedom and the end of history. This was only possible by adopting and practicing absolute rationality. Why guns and violence? Absolute rationality, in order to be histo-rically efficient, had to cover the whole world. In the West, as a "chosen civilization", it was to make it happen and he, militarily superior, did
so by submiting other civilizati-ons and nations to the extreme violence. On the other hand, with this relentless exploitation of colonized areas, the West was able to develop rapidly in every way and thus, at the level of possibility, achieve the best destiny of humankind. Especially important was the XX century. Then this civilization, developing medicine, genetics, computer science, nanotechnology and robotics, managed to defeat various deadly diseases, begin space exploration, and turn deserts into fertile soils and, with the "green revolution", produce food for all the inhabitants of the planet. Seeing the advantages of rationality, other areas of the world, with varying success, followed the example of the West. Colonialism disappeared, and human rights and international relations were institutionalized, especially throughout the United Nations. The détente
between the two blocs, capitalism and socialism, was established, and the nonaligned movement contributed to the stabilization of the world. As for the world's environmental prob-lems arising from the often-uncontrolled industrialization, they too, although excruciating and slow, seek to be solved on a global scale. Unlike modernism, which was constituted as a modern civil society with the adopted principle of equality of all, the current postmodernism is the opposite of everything
civil. The market economy is functioning less and less, major utopian ideas, Christianity and Marxism, have been abandoned, the "new human rights" destroyed everything noble of the already proclaimed universal human rights. In the resulting hopeless chaos, worried about the rise of
China and Russia, the most important forces in the West crossed in the "illegal" making a global deep state, the New Leviathan. They operate, as needed, both through formal and in-formal mechanisms. If necessary, they also oppose the authorities of their states if they deem their actions to be collapsing this civilization. As good disciples of Carl Schmitt, the German political philosopher, they are against the humanization of interpersonal relations; they have enormous financial and technical means and inhuman, eugenic ideas about reducing the world's population. There is no longer any doubt that their methods include the production and dissemination of deadly viruses. The action of these anti-liberal shadow minds is the destruction of all existing humanism, and has not-hing to do with history or any sense.

Note. Leviathan is a sea monster mentioned in the biblical Book of Job, where it is associated with the forces of chaos and evil. Metaphorically, Leviathan is a huge and powerful social organism living secretly in the darck deep, out of any legal social control.

A obra de Chico Buarque constitui-se, sem dúvida, uma referência para a produção músical brasileira. Sua coerência ética e as sutilezas empregadas na resistência à censura no período da ditadura militar, no Brasil, o singularizaram como uma personagem emblemática da cultura brasileira. O uso de formas literárias para "driblar" a censura contribui para entender as relações orgânicas que estruturam a cultura de massas, as artes, e a sociedade brasileira. Este artigo procura analisar essas relações, tomando como fonte as informações que integram o sitio : suas músicas, os livros publicados e declarações. Qual o sentido social que se pode atribuir à produção artística de Chico Buarque? Que mudanças e estratégias usou quanto à forma de recepção das suas obras artísticas de forma a resistir à censura? Essas são algumas questões que este artigo busca responder. Para tanto recorre a uma aparelhagem conceitual da sociossemiótica estruturada em três conceitos-chaves: o projeto criador; a performance e o projeto receptivo-apreciador. Alvo da censura, Buarque comunicou suas idéias utilizando estratagemas literários e práticos numa obra que se tornou capital ideológico. O recurso à astúcia na forma literária garantiu passar a sua mensagem, restabelecendo laços sociais entre a elite intelectual esclarecida e um público mais amplo. PALAVRAS CHAVES: Chico Buarque, censura, história sociocultural, projeto criador, projeto receptivo-apreciador.THE POWER OF IMAGINATION AGAINST THE VIOLENCE OF POWER or how, dodging censorship, Chico Buarque transformed the reception of the songs in Brazil of the leaden years Christian Marcadet The works of Chico Buarque are, without a doubt, a reference for the Brazilian musical production. His ethical coherence and the subtlety employed in his resistance to censorship during the Brazilian military dictatorship singled him out as an emblematic character of Brazilian culture. The use of literary ways to "dodge" the censorship contributes to understand the organic relations that structure the culture of masses, arts, and Brazilian society. This paper tries to analyze those relationships, using as its sources the information in the webpage: his music, his published books and his interviews. Which social sense can one attribute to Chico Buarque's artistic production? What changes and strategies did he use regarding the way of reception of his artistic works as a way of resisting censorship? Those are some issues that this paper tries to answer. For that, it falls back upon a conceptual apparel of the sociossemiotics structured in three key concepts: the creative project; the performance and the appreciative – receptive project. A target of censorship, Buarque communicated his ideas using literary and practical stratagems in a work that became an ideological capital. He recurred to cunning literary ways to make sure his message would achieve its aims, reestablishing social links between an intellectual elite and a wider public. KEYWORDS: Chico Buarque, censorship, sociocultural history, creative project, appreciative–receptive project.LE POUVOIR DE L'IMAGINATION CONTRE LA VIOLENCE DU POUVOIR ou comment Chico Buarque, en bernant la censure, a réussi à transformer l'accueil aux chansons du Brésil des années noires Christian Marcadet L'oeuvre de Chico Buarque constitue, sans aucun doute, une référence en terme de production musicale. Sa cohérence éthique et les subtilités utilisées pour résister à la censure pendant la période de la dictature militaire, au Brésil, font de lui un personnage emblématique de la culture brésilienne. L'utilisation de formes littéraires pour "duper" la censure a apporté une contribution à la compréhension des relations organiques qui structurent la culture des masses, les arts et la société brésilienne. Cet article décrit l'analyse de ces relations à partir des données fournies par le site : ses chansons, les livres publiés et les déclarations. Quel est le sens social qui peut être attribué à la production artistique de Chico Buarque? Quels changements et quelles stratégies a-t-il utilisés quant à la forme de ses oeuvres pour qu'à leur réception elles puissent résister à la censure? Voici quelques questions auxquelles on essaie de répondre dans cet article. Pour ce faire, on fait appel à un ensemble conceptuel de socio sémiotique, structuré à partir de trois concepts–clés: le projet créateur, la performance et le projet réceptif appréciatif. Visé par la censure, Chico Buarque a exprimé ses idées en utilisant des stratagèmes littéraires et pratiques dans une oeuvre qui est devenue un véritable capital idéologique. Recourir à la ruse sous forme littéraire a permis de faire passer le message en rétablissant les liens sociaux entre l'élite intellectuelle instruite et le grand public. MOTS-CLÉS: Chico Buarque, censure, histoire socioculturelle, projet créateur, projet réceptif appréciatif.Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

La seguridad pública es uno de los principales problemas que enfrenta el gobierno mexicano en la actualidad. El problema es central al funcionamiento de la democracia en tanto incide en la confianza social, socava el desarrollo social sostenible y puede eventualmente afectar su estabilidad política. El objetivo principal de este trabajo es analizar las estrategias de política de seguridad pública implementadas por el Estado mexicano en el periodo 2006-2020, a través del método descriptivo-analítico que permite realizar un recorrido de la narrativa en torno al uso las fuerzas armadas en la lucha contra el crimen organizado y brindar protección a la población, a fin de comprender el alcance de sus resultados en el país ante la militarización de la seguridad pública. Esto permite establecer la hipótesis de que la debilidad institucional en materia de seguridad pública en México hace que el Estado tenga como principal instrumento al poder militar para reponer la autoridad e imponer la ley en el país. La violencia generalizada es el resultado de las estrategias de política cuya narrativa de la seguridad pública se funda en el control punitivo estatal a través del incremento de las fuerzas armadas en labores policiales de seguridad, pero que no contemplan la previsión primaria, ya que el problema estructural es la cuestión social: empobrecimiento, desempleo, marginalidad, entre otras. De ahí, la idea de que el Estado mexicano ha incumplido con su obligación de garantizar la seguridad de las personas, por la existencia de un débil sistema institucional de seguridad.

Public security is one of the main problems facing the Mexican government today. The problem is central to the functioning of democracy insofar as it affects social trust, undermines sustainable social development and may eventually affect its political stability. The main objective of this work is to analyze the public security policy strategies implemented by the Mexican State in the 2006-2020 period, through the descriptive-analytical method that allows us to carry out a narrative journey around using the armed forces in the fight against organized crime and provide protection to the population, in order to understand the scope of its results in the country in the face of the militarization of public security. This allows the hypothesis to be established that the institutional weakness in matters of public security in Mexico means that the State has as its main instrument the military power to restore authority and impose the law in the country. Widespread violence is the result of policy strategies whose public security narrative is based on punitive state control through the increase of the armed forces in security police tasks but which do not contemplate primary provision, since the social is the structural problem: impoverishment, unemployment, marginality, among others. Hence the idea that the Mexican State has failed to fulfill its obligation to guarantee the security of people due to the existence of a weak institutional security system.

AbstractThis proposed contribution to the special issue of ILWCH offers a theoretical re-consideration of the Liberian project. If, as is commonly supposed in its historiography and across contemporary discourse regarding its fortunes into the twenty-first century, Liberia is a notable, albeit contested, instance of the modern era's correctable violence in that it stands as an imperfect realization of the emancipated slave, the liberated colony, and the freedom to labor unalienated, then such representation continues to hide more than it reveals. This essay, instead, reads Liberia as an instructive leitmotif for the conversion of racial slavery's synecdochical plantation system in the Americas into the plantation of the world writ large: the global scene of antiblackness and the immutable qualification for enslavement accorded black positionality alone. Transitions between political economic systems—from slave trade to "re-colonization," from Firestone occupation to dictatorial-democratic regimes—reemerge from this re-examination as crucial but inessential to understanding Liberia's position, and thus that of black laboring subjects, in the modern world. I argue that slavery is the simultaneous primitive accumulation of black land and bodies, but that this reality largely escapes current conceptualization of not only the history of labor but also that of enslavement. In other words, the African slave trade (driven first by Arabs in the Indian Ocean region, then Europeans in the Mediterranean, and, subsequently, Euro-Americans in the Atlantic) did not simply leave as its corollary effect, or byproduct, the underdevelopment of African societies. The trade in African flesh was at once the co-production of a geography of desire in which blackness is perpetually fungible at every scale, from the body to the nation-state to its soil—all treasures not simply for violation and exploitation, but more importantly, for accumulation and all manner of usage. The Liberian project elucidates this ongoing reality in distinctive ways—especially when we regard it through the lens of the millennium-plus paradigm of African enslavement. Conceptualizing slavery's "afterlife" entails exploring the ways that emancipation extended, not ameliorated, the chattel condition, and as such, impugns the efficacy of key analytic categories like "settler," "native," "labor," and "freedom" when applied to black existence. Marronage, rather than colonization or emancipation, situates Liberia within the intergenerational struggle of, and over, black work against social death. Read as enslavement's conversion, this essay neither impugns nor heralds black action and leadership on the Liberian project at a particular historical moment, but rather agitates for centering black thought on the ongoing issue of black fungibility and social captivity that Liberia exemplifies. I argue that such a reading of Liberia presents a critique of both settler colonialism and of a certain conceptualization of the black radical tradition and its futures in heavily optimist, positivist, and political economic terms that are enjoying considerable favor in leading discourse on black struggle today.