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with a rev. text and engl. notes by Lewis Campbell ; Text griech., Kommentar engl. - Enth.: Sophistes. Politicus ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- A.gr.b. 2655 n

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; This article focuses on the function of the institution of family in the framework of the Greek Orthodox society of Kos during the 18th and 19th centuries. The existence of issues which consisted violation of what was legislated according to the regulations of the Church was remarkable. Such violations were the provision of divorce after adultery and the usual records of divorces after the «common will» of the couple. In particular, during the 18th century, according to the practice of the Court of the Church in Kos, it is obvious that any case was not solved as it was legislated by the Church in the past but it was solved «ad hoc». Thus, the function of the Family Law in the provision of justice by the Court of the Church in the 18th century was based, not on already existed and objective criteria, but on solutions ad hoc («κατ' οίκονομίαν») as the terminology of Church describes them. In this case the model of the Greek Orthodox Church became flexible in order to keep the control of the local Christian society, adapted in local or even temporary needs. This situation changed during the 19th century, when the Church tried —with the support of the local «demogerontes»— to play the role of the strict supervisor in issues of violation of the Family Law.

Athena Syriatou, Duty and Instinct: History in Schools in Post-war Britain 1945-1995 This article deals with the moral role of history in post-war British education, by examining the relationship between the expectations of educationalists and intellectuals from history teaching at schools, and the actual changes which did occur in the classroom on the subject of history as a result of general changes in society and education. It argues that despite the intentions of the educationalists who saw history teaching as a means of promoting ideas which were considered necessary for the moral upbringing of the nation, these ideas very often never reached the classroom or they were considerably altered, demonstrating different ideological dynamics in British society. It initially focuses on the immediate post-war decade when international is educationalists were arguing for the need of history teaching which leads to a world citizenship. The idea of an internationalist approach on history contradicted the conservative, Britocentric, Whiggish history which was finally taught at schools during that period, since there were very few new books published, while civil servants from the Ministry of Education were concerned with the more urgent problems of schools which were affected by enemy action rather than new views on history teaching. The second period which is examined is the decade of mid sixties until mid seventies. Great changes were initiated then, to cover the disparity between the two tier system of education, with the introduction of comprehensive secondary schools, which at the time were considered to contribute to further démocratisation of the welfare state. The spirit of a more tolerant, affluent and democratic society led some educationalists to propose the expulsion of history from schools and its replacement with other humanities such as sociology and behavioural studies. However, history did remain at schools during that period and in many ways it incorporated the new ideas, creating the so called 'new history' with the efforts of the progressive, non traditionalist, and often leftist historians. Problems of implementation of the new history' appeared during the following years as a result of the difference of academic standards at schools which at this period comprehensive education could not eliminate. The final period which is examined is the decade of mid eighties until mid nineties when the New Right ideology was dominant in the political scene, while a National Curriculum for all schools was deemed necessary. Educational planners of the Conservative Party argued that history should teach again traditional values, which were, according to them, intrinsic to the British nation. However, the National Curriculum for History which was drafted by educationalists coming various convictions,(nevertheless appointed by the Conservative government), was closer to the beliefs of the new history' creators, rather than the beliefs and national values that the Conservatives initially wanted to promote. ; Athena Syriatou, Duty and Instinct: History in Schools in Post-war Britain 1945-1995 This article deals with the moral role of history in post-war British education, by examining the relationship between the expectations of educationalists and intellectuals from history teaching at schools, and the actual changes which did occur in the classroom on the subject of history as a result of general changes in society and education. It argues that despite the intentions of the educationalists who saw history teaching as a means of promoting ideas which were considered necessary for the moral upbringing of the nation, these ideas very often never reached the classroom or they were considerably altered, demonstrating different ideological dynamics in British society. It initially focuses on the immediate post-war decade when international is educationalists were arguing for the need of history teaching which leads to a world citizenship. The idea of an internationalist approach on history contradicted the conservative, Britocentric, Whiggish history which was finally taught at schools during that period, since there were very few new books published, while civil servants from the Ministry of Education were concerned with the more urgent problems of schools which were affected by enemy action rather than new views on history teaching. The second period which is examined is the decade of mid sixties until mid seventies. Great changes were initiated then, to cover the disparity between the two tier system of education, with the introduction of comprehensive secondary schools, which at the time were considered to contribute to further démocratisation of the welfare state. The spirit of a more tolerant, affluent and democratic society led some educationalists to propose the expulsion of history from schools and its replacement with other humanities such as sociology and behavioural studies. However, history did remain at schools during that period and in many ways it incorporated the new ideas, creating the so called 'new history' with the efforts of the progressive, non traditionalist, and often leftist historians. Problems of implementation of the new history' appeared during the following years as a result of the difference of academic standards at schools which at this period comprehensive education could not eliminate. The final period which is examined is the decade of mid eighties until mid nineties when the New Right ideology was dominant in the political scene, while a National Curriculum for all schools was deemed necessary. Educational planners of the Conservative Party argued that history should teach again traditional values, which were, according to them, intrinsic to the British nation. However, the National Curriculum for History which was drafted by educationalists coming various convictions,(nevertheless appointed by the Conservative government), was closer to the beliefs of the new history' creators, rather than the beliefs and national values that the Conservatives initially wanted to promote.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Maria Damilakou, The image of the gaucho in the argentine society (1830- 1940): ideological uses and historiographie approaches This article attempts to show the different images of the gaucho, symbol of the argentine pampa, that predominated the local society as long as to associate them to the different interpretations of the historical past and the process of construction of the argentine national identity. This process required contacts, confrontations and interchanges among different social groups and sectors, such as the lower classes, the intellectual and political elites, the marginal rural element and the new coming immigrants. The construction of the gaucho's image was a long process, extended from the first half of the 19th century until the peronist years. From the «heroic son of the earth» who stood up the Spanish conquerors during the Revolution of 1810, he became the «barbarian of the desert» through the discourse of the illuminated elite that, during the second half of the 19th century, undertook the national organization of the country, its fast modernization and the creation of «obedient citizens». During the same period, the popular culture provided a different aspect of the gaucho, especially through the figures of Martin Fierro and Juan Moreira: the gaucho now became the center of a large cultural phenomenon that was picturing the rural way of life, codified common experience and expectations and became a form of resistance to the process of modernization. Later, in the 1910s, the image of the «obedient» Martin Fierro was adopted by the cultural nationalism of the period and used as the symbol of the argentine national identity and as the incarnation of the argentine essence and soul. At last, the leftwing forces adopted the gaucho as the symbol of the oppressed social groups, whereas the nationalist movements of the 1930s used his image in order to support their revisioned interpretations about the national historical past.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Panayotis Stathis, Rethinking the 1821 Greek Revolution. A reading of Ni­kos Theotokas, The Life of General Makriyannis: History and Memoirs Nikos Theotokas' most recent book on Makriyannis is a characteristic specimen of new trends in the study of the Greek revolution of 1821, which shift emphasis from battles and politics to society. Theotokas uses as main analytical categories the antithetic notions of "tradition" and "modernity". However, Theotokas follows a less rigid and more sophisticated approach of this scheme. Instead of treating people of the traditional and modern world in a static way, he explores how they interacted, and emphasizes the dynamic nature of their relationship during the transitional period of the revolution. Theotokas' study on Makriyannis comprises a double venture. On the one hand it constitutes a historical biography of the General, while on the other it examines the long process of writing (1829-1852) his memoirs. Through this parallel narrative, Theotokas reveals how Makriyannis' changing attitude towards facts stated in the memoirs is modified by the specific historical conjuncture in which each of these facts is narrated by the author. The earliest parts of the text, written in the aftermath of the revolution, comprise a mixture of traditional and modern political discourse, in which the responsibility for both the negative developments of the war and of civil conflicts is often attributed to the traditional social elites. However, under the King Otto's reign, Makriyannis' expectations concerning his new position in the post-revolutionary society were gradually disappointed. Thus, in the latter parts of the memoirs Makriyannis clearly formulates a moralistic interpretation of the political developments, according to which the outlandish, selfish and warless politicians seized power and treated unfairly the pure fighters of the revolution who gave everything for its success.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; The aim of the current study is an attempt to address the problem which emerged in the Hellenic Society during the years of the inter war as well as the first post civil war period, due to the change of the calendar. The introduction, from the Hellenic Church, of the new (Gregorian) calendar in 1924 created a strong reaction among the believers wich resulted to the creation of a new movement, named Greek Religions Community of Genuine Orthodox Christians (C.O.Ch.). This conservative minority, having had a great influence, insisted in the reinstatement of the old calendar and caused important conflict in the Hellenic society. The issue is examined from a political viewpoint, since the G.O.Ch. functioned as a pressure group towards the governments, demanding the free exercise of their religious duties. The governments appeared rather uncourageous in facing the problem, as they relied on G.O.Ch's vote. However, there had been systematic chasing persecutions against their clergymen, with them arrested or sent to the exile, facts which aggravated the problem. In this article, we also attempt to analyse the ideological stigma of the G.O.Ch. movement as their moved against all innovations of West-European origin and they declared their dedication to the traditional customs. Another aspect of the issue, concerns the so-called Macedonian issue and since the Church as well as many politicians considered the G.O.Ch. as being Serving the Yugoslav propaganda between the Slavonic-speaking minority of Macedonia, given that the Serbian Church maintained the old calendar. The C.O.Ch. Church attempted to defend itself against those accusations claiming that the change of the calendar served the political plans on the northern neighbours.

Kostas Raptis, Middle classes and middle class culture in Europe, 1789-1914: approaches in modern historiographyThe history of the european middle classes from the late 18th to theearly 20th century is a very wide topic and relates to economic, social,political, gender and culture history. This essay gives a brief overviewof the main subjects regarding it. It draws mainly on (pioneer) germanspeaking,but also on english and french literature. Following the currentdebate, it points to the different social and economic groups making upthe so called ((Bürgertum», to their common characteristics, as well astheir specific culture, the ((Bürgerlichkeit)).More specifically this paper is concerned with the followin subjects:— the composition of the «Bürgertum» and the features of its maingroups (professionals, bourgeois of money and bourgeois of knowledge)— the relevant terminology in german, french and english language— the comparison between upper middle class and nobility— the social position and role of the lowermiddle classes— the relation of the bourgeoisie to liberalism and nationalism— the study of the history of the middle classes in the specific contextof a town or a city (as an urban phenomenon)— the position and role of middle class women in a bourgeois society— the middle class family— the bourgeois way of life and culture in general ; Kostas Raptis, Middle classes and middle class culture in Europe, 1789-1914: approaches in modern historiographyThe history of the european middle classes from the late 18th to theearly 20th century is a very wide topic and relates to economic, social,political, gender and culture history. This essay gives a brief overviewof the main subjects regarding it. It draws mainly on (pioneer) germanspeaking,but also on english and french literature. Following the currentdebate, it points to the different social and economic groups making upthe so called ((Bürgertum», to their common characteristics, as well astheir specific culture, the ((Bürgerlichkeit)).More specifically this paper is concerned with the followin subjects:— the composition of the «Bürgertum» and the features of its maingroups (professionals, bourgeois of money and bourgeois of knowledge)— the relevant terminology in german, french and english language— the comparison between upper middle class and nobility— the social position and role of the lowermiddle classes— the relation of the bourgeoisie to liberalism and nationalism— the study of the history of the middle classes in the specific contextof a town or a city (as an urban phenomenon)— the position and role of middle class women in a bourgeois society— the middle class family— the bourgeois way of life and culture in general

Soil, as the primary receptor of anthropogenic urban contamination acts as a sink for a variety of toxic and other hazardous substances. It constitutes, therefore, an indicator of contamination and may be utilised geochemically to assess environmental quality of urban and suburban areas. In Nafplion, an urban and suburban area of 50 km2 , was investigated using for the first time in Hellas an integrated approach with all available geoscientific techniques to make an in-depth environmental impact assessment. One of these techniques was applied geochemistry, which mapped the geochemistry of surface soil (0-10 cm) with 144 samples, collected on a regular grid of 500 x 500 km. The following fifty determinands were measured on the soil samples: Ag, Al, As, B, Ba, Be, Bi, Ca, Cd, Ce, Co, Cr, Cu, Fe, Ga, Ge, Hg, K, La, Li, Mg, Mn, Mo, Na, Nb, Ni, P, Pb, Rb, Re, S, Sb, Sc, Se, Sn, Sr, Ta, Te, Th, Ti, Tl, U, V, W, Y, Zn, Zr, pH, electrical conductivity and grain-size distribution. The aim of the geochemical study was to distinguish, as far as possible, the origin of chemical elements, and (i) to classify them as geogenic or anthropogenic; (ii) to delineate contaminated areas, and (iii) to assess potential future impacts of human activities on soil. Interpretation of the resulting geochemical patterns has shown that those of Al, Fe, Be, Ce, Cr, Co, Ga, Ge, K, La, Li, Mg, Nb, Ni, Rb, Sc, Sr, Tl, V, Y, W and Zr are of geogenic origin, since they are directly related to parent rocks, whereas patterns of As, B, Ba, Bi, Ca, Cd, Cu, Mn, Mo, Na, P, Pb, S, Sb, Sn, Th, U and Zn are interpreted as being of dual origin, geogenic and anthropogenic. In this paper, the geochemical distribution of only five elements shall be described, i.e., Pb, Zn, Cu, Ni and Na. This case study was indeed very interesting, since for the interpretation of some patterns, even the military history of the area had to be unravelled. ; Soil, as the primary receptor of anthropogenic urban contamination acts as a sink for a variety of toxic and other hazardous substances. It constitutes, therefore, an indicator of contamination and may be utilised geochemically to assess environmental quality of urban and suburban areas. In Nafplion, an urban and suburban area of 50 km2 , was investigated using for the first time in Hellas an integrated approach with all available geoscientific techniques to make an in-depth environmental impact assessment. One of these techniques was applied geochemistry, which mapped the geochemistry of surface soil (0-10 cm) with 144 samples, collected on a regular grid of 500 x 500 km. The following fifty determinands were measured on the soil samples: Ag, Al, As, B, Ba, Be, Bi, Ca, Cd, Ce, Co, Cr, Cu, Fe, Ga, Ge, Hg, K, La, Li, Mg, Mn, Mo, Na, Nb, Ni, P, Pb, Rb, Re, S, Sb, Sc, Se, Sn, Sr, Ta, Te, Th, Ti, Tl, U, V, W, Y, Zn, Zr, pH, electrical conductivity and grain-size distribution. The aim of the geochemical study was to distinguish, as far as possible, the origin of chemical elements, and (i) to classify them as geogenic or anthropogenic; (ii) to delineate contaminated areas, and (iii) to assess potential future impacts of human activities on soil. Interpretation of the resulting geochemical patterns has shown that those of Al, Fe, Be, Ce, Cr, Co, Ga, Ge, K, La, Li, Mg, Nb, Ni, Rb, Sc, Sr, Tl, V, Y, W and Zr are of geogenic origin, since they are directly related to parent rocks, whereas patterns of As, B, Ba, Bi, Ca, Cd, Cu, Mn, Mo, Na, P, Pb, S, Sb, Sn, Th, U and Zn are interpreted as being of dual origin, geogenic and anthropogenic. In this paper, the geochemical distribution of only five elements shall be described, i.e., Pb, Zn, Cu, Ni and Na. This case study was indeed very interesting, since for the interpretation of some patterns, even the military history of the area had to be unravelled.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Powerful revisionist currents are now flowing through the social sciences against what have been termed «society-centred» modes of explanation. The swift away from social determination has centred on the problem of the material referent of political motivation. This essay, talking about the language, wants to discuss some of the most problematic legacies of the social historical methodology. Linguistic turn in history focuses on the ways meaning is constituted in and through language in order to explain the world. Discourse is the organising concept term for conceptualising and practising the history of meaning. Discourse operates so as to structure thought and speech in certain ways and to preclude being structured in others. The problem of organising a social identity becomes one of representation: ideas certainly do matter, but the ways in which they matter, indeed their very existence as identifiable ideas, depend on processes of institutional and cultural mediation. That's why there is always an element of discordance between «social being» and its interpretation in «social consciousness». The disequilibrium results from the fact that their linkage is a product of human convention. People's responses to their experiences help shaped social change.

Książka stanowi tom studiów autorstwa polskich i zagranicznych językoznawców poświęcony zmianom we współczesnych językach słowiańskich, szczególnie widocznym w słownictwie i słowotwórstwie. Uwzględnienie aspektu stylowo-funkcjonalnego w rozwoju leksyki pozwala lepiej zrozumieć dynamikę zmian językowych i skuteczność działań komunikacyjnych. Celowościowy i pragmatyczny charakter zachowań komunikacyjnych ujawnia się szeroko w uwzględnionych przez Autorów kontekstach społecznych, politycznych i kulturowych. Prace zostały pogrupowane w trzy działy tematyczne: - Zjawiska, procesy i tendencje rozwojowe w słownictwie specjalistycznym (terminologii); - Dynamika mechanizmów słowotwórczych i leksykalnych; - Zmiany leksykalne we współczesnej komunikacji językowej i dyskursie. Wyodrębnione działy pomagają uporządkować przedstawioną w tomie problematykę, wskazując na dominantę tematyczną w poszczególnych tekstach. Zakresy tych grup nie są jednak ostre, złożona i wielowarstwowa problematyka tendencji i zmian we współczesnym słownictwie słowiańskim jest omawiana w różnym stopniu w każdym z wydzielonych działów. W większości prac zastosowano podejście konfrontatywne, pozostałe stanowią podstawę do takiego ujęcia. Do badań wykorzystany został bogaty materiał języków słowiańskich: polskiego, czeskiego, słowackiego, białoruskiego, rosyjskiego, ukraińskiego, bułgarskiego, słoweńskiego, a także innych języków, jak np. nowogreckiego. ; This volume of studies by Polish and international linguists is devoted to changes in modern Slavic languages, which are especially noticeable in the spheres of vocabulary and word formation. Taking into consideration the stylistic and functional aspect of lexis development allows for a better understanding of the dynamics of language change and the efficacy of communicational acts. The purposeful and pragmatic character of communicational behaviour manifests itself widely in the social, political and cultural contexts considered by the Authors. The works comprising the volume are divided into three thematic sections: - Phenomena, processes and tendencies in the development of specialist lexis (terminology); - Word formation and lexical mechanisms dynamics; - Lexical change in modern language communication and discourse. The sections help organize the volume by highlighting the dominant theme in particular texts. The scopes of the sections are, nevertheless, not sharply delineated – each section is to an equal extent devoted to the complex and multifaceted subject-matter of the tendencies and changes in modern Slavic vocabulary. Most of the works comprised in the volume adopt a contrastive approach, the remaining ones can serve as bases for contrastive studies. The text analyse the rich material of the Slavic languages – Polish, Czech, Slovak, Belarusian, Russian, Ukrainian, Bulgarian and Slovene – as well as of other languages, like Modern Greek. ; Publikacja finansowana ze środków Instytutu Slawistyki Polskiej Akademii Nauk

Δεν παρατίθεται περἰληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Christos Loukos, The political and ideological conflicts in post-war Syros and the Hermoupolis' mayor Epaminondas Pappadam We observe, in the micro scale of Syros, the defeat of expectations held by many Greeks that after the liberation a democratic society, just to all citizens, would arise and that the new government would punish the collaborators of Italian and German conquerors and all those who became rich by exploiting the misery of the people through the black market. This article examines the short tenure of the first post-war mayor of Hermoupolis, Epaminondas Pappadam, and how his overthrow was pursued because he insisted in his democratic and antiroyalist convictions. The overthrow was prepared by individuals and groups of people who had served the Metaxas' dictatorial regime, and more than others were exposed to the accusation of collaborating with the enemy and they looked forward to the return of King George II as the only stable guarantee for maintaining their leadership role. Their aims were facilitated by the tragic events of December 1944 in Athens. Backed by the presence of several Sacred Battalion's officers, British officers and other military forces at Syros, they succeeded, not only to marginalize the EAM's small military force in the island and their supporters, but also to prohibit with offensive behavior every act which was not compatible with their aims. Under those circumstances, Pappadam should have overthrown. He was not a communist, not an EAM's supporter either, but he insisted to be against the king's return and supported the necessity of a conciliatory solution for the social and political contrasts. Besides, his overthrow would function, in a symbolic level, as a warning for forcing into obedience those, less powerful than the mayor, who resisted to the forthcoming settlement of the Greek constitutional and political issue.

Dione di Prusa è una delle personalità più rilevanti della letteratura d'età imperiale, periodo che venne a lungo trascurato dalla critica. L'ampia raccolta dei suoi scritti comprende discorsi politici, dialexeis letterarie, o orazioni epidittiche tenute nei centri più prestigiosi dell'impero: essi ci forniscono, per l'ampiezza del coupus e per la varietà dei temi affrontati, un quadro di primaria importanza dell'attività politica, culturare e filosofica di quest'epoca. Negli ultimi trent'anni sono state pubblicate, sopratutto in Italia, edizioni con traduzione e commento di diverse orazioni; di questa rinascita dionea hanno giovato soprattutto gli scritti più celebri e più impegnativi. Sono stati però trascurati molti brevi scritti di carattere filosofico appartenenti, secondo l'attribuzione del von Arnim, al periodo esiliaco. La mia dissertazione è dedicata appunto ai due scritti filosofici Sull'invidia 77 e 78, negli ultimi cent'anni tradotti esclusivamente in inglese, tedesco e privi sino ad oggi di commento. La dissertazione consta di una introduzione, di una traduzione italiana e del commento di entrambi i discorsi. Obiettivo del presente lavoro è quello di inquadrare le due orazioni Sull'invidia nei loro diversi rapporti con la tradizione filosofica e di riallacciarle alla prassi retorica coeva. Nell'introduzione ho tentato di riassumere la critica dionea nei suoi molteplici orientamenti: datazione e luogo di recitazione delle due orazione; le diverse interpretazioni; per il primo scritto, la 77, ho proposto una nuova interpretazione: ho tentato di valutare l'attività retorica di Dione. Ho analizzato i progymnasmata e li ho confrontati con il discorso di Dione. Il risultato di questa sezione del lavoro è che l'orazione 77 è probabilmente un progymnasma, più precisamente una gnōmē. Nell'analisi della seconda orazione, la 78, ho posto invece in evidenza di punti di contatto con le correnti filosofiche coeve, con un occhio di riguardo per la scuola cinica e stoica. ; Dio Chrysostom is the foremost figure in the first century A.D. of the long time neglected literary movement called Second Sophistic. The wide corpus of his works comprehends political speeches, literary dialexeis, and epideictic speeches he delivered in the major cities of the Roman Empire. The offer is an extensive image of the political, cultural and philosophic thought and practice of his time. During the past thirty years Dio´s work has attracted great attention. Hence many editions of his speeches have been published with translation and commentary, mainly in Italy, England and Germany. These publications analysed the most popular ones. My dissertation is dedicated to the two philosophic speeches, On envy 77 and 78. For the first time I realised the translation of the scripture into Italian. By then there were translations in Latin, German, English and Spanish available only. In addition I composed the first commentary of the two works. To emphasise the importance of these speeches for the understanding of Dio´s philosophical and rhetorical thought, some remarks became necessary, that I tried to illustrate in the introduction: - the definition where and when these speeches were delivered - the validity of Dio´s exile and von Arnim´s division of his life and work in a rhetorical, in a philosophic and in a political phase - their relation to the past philosophic and rhetorical tradition. For the first speech (77), I proposed a new interpretation: I analysed the Progymnasmata, compared them with Dio´s speech and arrived at the conclusion that the 77 is a Progymnasma, a Gnome. In the analysis of the second speech (78) I stressed the points of contact with the coevo philosophic trends, prevailing the cynic and the stoic schools.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Photini Danou, The words of the voiceless Did ordinary men and women in pre-modern England have an opinion about politics? What was "politics" for the common people at a time when they had not any say in choosing who would rule them? Was popular engagement in state politics only to secure subsistence? Were "knife and fork" politics of the masses so separate from issues of "high politics" of the State? Was pre-modern commoners' mentality, "pre-political" as well? This paper discusses early modern popular political awareness. I argue that commoners in Tudor England pursued their own political agenda, by exploiting the sovereign's self-image as the "protector of the poor". However, as I set out to show, in pursuing their political agenda commoners also raised issues on the content of Englishness, common good, patriotism, legitimate governance and the right of resistance. The political identity of the lower strata was not an entity fixed in its essence. On the contrary, plebeian political identity was rather shifting, changeable, and always constituting its content in particular historical contexts. The commoners' commitment to the ideal of the"nation", their loyalty to the government, their allegiance to their Queen, their obedience to her laws, or their active participation in the enforcement of state policies were not unconditional. The ways they practiced their political identity was interrelated to their superiors' behavior and draw its legitimacy from the public transcript of the English Common wealth. Common prosperity, reciprocity, solidarity and, in general, protection of the poorer and weaker members of English society were ideals that constituted the meaning of "common wealth" in the plebeian mind. Those ideals were prerequisites for their giving of devotion and loyalty to the state. Thus, the commoners' political mentality and behavior ranged from national loyalty to indifference or even animosity to state officials; from cooperation and acquiescence to covered or overt forms of opposition and active resistance.

Η ευθανασία και η υποβοηθούμενη αυτοκτονία καθίστανται νόμιμες μόνο σε τέσσερις χώρες στην Ευρώπη, αυτές είναι οι εξής: η Ολλανδία, το Βέλγιο, το Λουξεμβούργο και η Ελβετία. Η ευθανασία και η υποβοηθούμενη αυτοκτονία δεν είναι μόνο ένα νομικό ζήτημα, για το πώς θα μπορούσε να είναι η νομοθεσία από τεχνικής άποψης, αλλά είναι επίσης, ένα αμφιλεγόμενο θέμα, για το οποίο πολλές χώρες δεν είναι έτοιμες να συζητήσουν. Εκτός από τη νομική πλευρά, υπάρχουν κι άλλες πτυχές που σχετίζονται με αυτό το ζήτημα. Το ερώτημα που πάντα εγείρεται, είναι εάν η κοινότητα αισθάνεται την αναγκαιότητα ύπαρξης μιας τέτοιου είδους νομοθεσίας.Ο σκοπός αυτού του άρθρου είναι να εξοικειώσει τον αναγνώστη, με τη νομοθεσία περί ευθανασίας στην Ολλανδία και με τη δημόσια συζήτηση που την περιβάλλει. Το άρθρο επιχειρεί να δώσει μια γενική εικόνα και μια επεξήγηση της ισχύουσας νομοθεσίας. ; Euthanasia and assisted suicide is made legal only in four countries in Europe, the countries being: The Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg and Switzerland. Euthanasia and assisted suicide is not only a legal question, how would the legislation look like technically speaking, but it is also a controversial topic which many countries are not ready to discuss. In addition to the legal aspects, other aspects are also associated with this issue. The question that always arises is whether the community feels the necessity for this kind of legislation. The aim of this article is to familiarise the reader with the euthanasia legislation in The Netherlands and the public debate surrounding it. The article will give an overview and explanation of the current legislation.Firstly, the creation of the current legislation will be discussed, followed by an explanation of the current legislation on the basis of two cases that will be discussed in greater detail. In addition, attention will also be paid to other ending of life possibilities and concluded with the public debate on the legislation.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα Ελληνικά. ; In the years 1830-1860 the formation of the newly established Greek State was based theoretically and practically on the political views of 19th century European liberalism. In accordance to the liberal beliefs, the Greek state political power was based on a small section of the adult male population. This section disposed additional economic and cultural qualifications compared to the rest of the population of the country. It is worthnoting that only to the above mentioned section of the population the state recognized full civil and political rights. In this context the term eligible citizens is used to describe those social strata which held the above mentioned special qualifications. In view of these qualifications the eligible citizens could not only exercise their electoral rights but they could be also elected or appointed as political, magisterial or administrative officials. Within the framework of the historical study of social stratification in the Greek society, during the period 1830-1860, it is worth concentrating on the analysis of historical sources relevant to the eligible citizens. These sources should supply information about the economic and cultural characteristics of these citizens. Based on this type of approach we present in this study the catalogues of candidate jurymen in the period 1849-1861 concentrating on the analysis of the year 1860. These catalogues constitute an important source of information about the characteristics of the eligible citizens. The candidate jurymen catalogues, for the year 1860, include information regarding the value of estate property, income, profession, age and place of inhabitancy for 8.337 adult men. These men amount to the 3.4% of the over 25 years old male population of the country in 1860. The quantitative analysis of the above mentioned catalogues led to the following general conclusions: In 1860 the greatest percentage of the eligible citizens derived from the middle social strata of property owners and income earners. These strata included mainly land owners, wealthy farmers and merchants. But there was also a much smaller section of social strata of wealthy men who possessed a relatively large amount of estate property and income of the country. The sharp economic inequality observed among the eligible citizens of the country permits the assumption that there was also among them a sharp social inequality. According to this we propose the continuation of the research with a more detailled study. This study will examine particular aspects of economic and social inequalities between the lower, the middle and the higher social strata. The same study will also examine in detail the regional aspect of these inequalities.