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Feminism contested conservative gender ideologies by emphasising the social construction of gender; but this risked treating gender as disembodied. Gender is indeed fully social, but it is also embodied; it concerns the way reproductive bodies enter human history. The steering of the process of social embodiment is inherently political; it is affected by recent changes in the institutional world. Notably, gender relations are re-shaped in colonialism and post-colonial globalization, themselves gendered processes. In the reconfiguration of power, a new kind of ruling class, organized on a world scale, has been emerging; its masculinized leadership is articulated with local patriarchies in the new economy. Unrestrained neoliberal power leads to new levels of commodification of bodies and new patterns of gendered violence. Resistance and opposition will also require new political configurations. ; O feminismo contestou as ideologias de género conservadoras, realçando a construção social do género, o que suscitou o risco de tratar o género como sendo descorporificado. O género é, efetivamente, integralmente social, mas também é corporificado, dizendo respeito à forma como os corpos reprodutores entram na história da humanidade. A condução do processo de corporificação social é inerentemente política e afetada por mudanças recentes no mundo institucional. Em particular, as relações de género são reformuladas no colonialismo e na globalização pós-colonial, eles próprios processos genderizados. Na reconfiguração do poder, tem vindo a emergir um novo tipo de classe dominante, organizada à escala mundial, e a sua liderança masculinizada é articulada com patriarcados locais na nova economia. O desenfreado poder neoliberal conduz a novos níveis de mercantilização dos corpos e a novos padrões de violência de género. A resistência e a oposição também necessitarão de novas configurações políticas.

Feminism contested conservative gender ideologies by emphasising the social construction of gender; but this risked treating gender as disembodied. Gender is indeed fully social, but it is also embodied; it concerns the way reproductive bodies enter human history. The steering of the process of social embodiment is inherently political; it is affected by recent changes in the institutional world. Notably, gender relations are re-shaped in colonialism and post-colonial globalization, themselves gendered processes. In the reconfiguration of power, a new kind of ruling class, organized on a world scale, has been emerging; its masculinized leadership is articulated with local patriarchies in the new economy. Unrestrained neoliberal power leads to new levels of commodification of bodies and new patterns of gendered violence. Resistance and opposition will also require new political configurations. ; O feminismo contestou as ideologias de género conservadoras, realçando a construção social do género, o que suscitou o risco de tratar o género como sendo descorporificado. O género é, efetivamente, integralmente social, mas também é corporificado, dizendo respeito à forma como os corpos reprodutores entram na história da humanidade. A condução do processo de corporificação social é inerentemente política e afetada por mudanças recentes no mundo institucional. Em particular, as relações de género são reformuladas no colonialismo e na globalização pós-colonial, eles próprios processos genderizados. Na reconfiguração do poder, tem vindo a emergir um novo tipo de classe dominante, organizada à escala mundial, e a sua liderança masculinizada é articulada com patriarcados locais na nova economia. O desenfreado poder neoliberal conduz a novos níveis de mercantilização dos corpos e a novos padrões de violência de género. A resistência e a oposição também necessitarão de novas configurações políticas.

We will use the Fanon's concept of society without mediations, based on structural racism, to explain the regressive tendency proper to societies of peripheric modernization, especially Brazil. From a criticism to Gilberto Freyre and Florestan Fernandes, who both assume a notion of ne-cessitarian sociological objectivism with an apolitical-depoliticized character in order to under-stand the development and the contradictions of current Brazilian society (Freyre's sadism-masochism; Fernandes' idea of Black incapability to protestant ethics due to slavery), both re-fusing structural racism and racial whitening, we will point exactly to (a) the systemic evolution as a White's or colonizer's intentioned and planified political project over the Black/colonized, which is, according us, the effective practical core and role of the formation and development of the colonial society; (b) the inexistence or the fragility of juridical, institutional and normative mediations between these divided and ossified realities of race (Whites over/against Blacks); (c) the direct violence and the permanent regression as the structural tendencies of the constitution and development of a society of peripheric and racialized modernization, including here the eras-ing and falsification of colonial history; and, finally, (d) the intrinsic correlation, once denied by Freyre and Fernandes, and on the contrary affirmed by Fanon, of race and class, race as class, class as race.

The year 2020 will pass to history because a big part of the world population was confined. It will become the pandemic year, the year of the virus originated in China that rapidly propagated through most countries. In December and January, it was perceived as a distant problem, but in February it was already afflicting Europe and in March America. It is perceived as a democratic virus, given that anyone could have been infected, but reality shows us that it is a classist and racist virus. At the moment that Johns Hopkins University & Medicine (2020) wrote this, only one out of the ten countries with the highest death rate for every one hundred thousand inhabitants belongs to the first world (United States) and six are Latin-American (Mexico, Ecuador,Peru, Bolivia, Colombia and Brasil). ; El año 2020 pasará a la historia porque gran parte de la población mundial estuvo confinada. Será el año de la pandemia, de un virus surgido en China y que rápidamente se propagó por la mayoría de los países. En diciembre y enero se percibía como un problema lejano, pero en febrero ya azotaba a Europa y en marzo a América. Se dice que es un virus democrático, pues cualquiera pudo ser contagiado, pero la realidad nos muestra que es clasista y hasta racista. Para cuando Johns Hopkins University & Medicine (2020) escribe este texto, de los diez países con más alta tasa de mortalidad por cada cien mil habitantes, solo uno pertenece al primer mundo (Estados Unidos) y seis son latinoamericanos (México, Ecuador, Perú, Bolivia, Colombia y Brasil). ; O ano de 2020 virará história devido ao confinamento de grande parte da população. Será o ano da pandemia, de um vírus surgido na China e que rapidamente se propagou pela maioria dos países. Em dezembro e janeiro, era percebido como um problema distante, mas, em fevereiro, já afetava a Europa e, em março, toda a América. Dizem que é um vírus democrático, pois qualquer pessoa pode ser contagiada, mas a realidade nos mostra que é classista e até racista. Dos dez países com taxa de mortalidade mais alta por cada cem mil habitantes, somente um pertence ao primeiro mundo (Estados Unidos) e seis são latino-americanos (México, Equador, Peru, Bolívia, Colômbia e Brasil, Johns Hopkins University & Medicine [2020]).

Este artigo apresenta as principais teses do pensador Roberto Mangabeira Unger relacionadas a uma interpretação dos novos parâmetros da democracia ocidental, das insti­tuições e da sociedade brasileira como um todo. Também desenvolve um diálogo com o autor, questionando alguns dos seus fundamentos. Mangabeira, ao pretender requalificar o de­bate sobre a democracia, a partir da adoção de novas alternativas institucionais, coloca-se num viés experimentalista. Utilizando-se de pressupostos marxistas numa mistura com pressupostos schumpeterianos, este autor é qualificado, nas palavras de Anderson (1992), como: "um profeta do primeiro mundo, a partir de uma abordagem filosófica do terceiro mun­do". É nesse sentido que compreender suas teo­rias e dialogar/discordar tornam-se objetivos chaves deste trabalho. ; This pa­per discusses the importance of Roberto Man­gabeira Unger's ideas, since he establishes new parameters for the occidental democracy, the institutions and the Brazilian society as a who­le. His theory, by attempting to re-qualify the debate on democracy from the adoption of new institutional alternatives, expresses an expe­rimentalist bias. Using Marxist assumptions with schumpeterian assumptions, the author is considered, in Anderson's (1992) words, as: "a prophet of the first world, from a philosophi­cal approach of the third world". In this way, understanding his theories and dialoguing/ disagreeing become key objectives of this work. ; This pa­per discusses the importance of Roberto Man­gabeira Unger's ideas, since he establishes new parameters for the occidental democracy, the institutions and the Brazilian society as a who­le. His theory, by attempting to re-qualify the debate on democracy from the adoption of new institutional alternatives, expresses an expe­rimentalist bias. Using Marxist assumptions with schumpeterian assumptions, the author is considered, in Anderson's (1992) words, as: "a prophet of the first world, from a philosophi­cal approach of the third world". In this way, understanding his theories and dialoguing/ disagreeing become key objectives of this work.

Desde março de 2020, quando a Organização Mundial de Saúde declarou que o mundo vivia uma pandemia de covid-19, acompanhamos um quadro sanitário sem precedentes nos últimos 100 anos. As medidas atuais contra a doença têm como objetivo o controle da transmissão e envolvem ações individuais e coletivas de higiene e distanciamento físico, enquanto a busca por uma vacina se apresenta como a esperança para vencer a pandemia. Considerando o contexto social de clamor por uma nova vacina, este ensaio crítico discute o paradoxo e as contradições da relação indivíduo-sociedade no contexto da covid-19 à luz da hesitação vacinal como fenômeno histórico e socialmente situado. Este ensaio aponta que as tomadas de decisão sobre (não) vacinar ou sobre (não) seguir as medidas preventivas e de controle da propagação da covid-19 são conformadas por pertencimentos sociais e atravessadas por desigualdades que tendem a se exacerbar. A infodemia que cerca a covid-19 e a hesitação vacinal refletem a tensão entre o risco cientificamente validado e o risco percebido subjetivamente, também influenciada pela crise de confiança na ciência. Percepções de risco e adesão a medidas de saúde extrapolam aspectos subjetivos e racionais e espelham valores e crenças conformados pelas dimensões política, econômica e sociocultural. ; Since March 2020, when the World Health Organization (WHO) declared that COVID-19 was a pandemic at global level, we are facing an unprecedented health crisis over the past 100 years. While the search for a vaccine represents the hope to overcome the pandemic, measures were established to control the disease transmission through individual and collective actions of hygiene and physical distancing. Based on the popular clamor for new vaccines, this critical essay discusses the paradox and contradictions of the individual-society relationship in the context of COVID-19 considering vaccine hesitancy as a historical and social phenomenon. We also argue that decisions on (not) vaccinating or (not) following COVID-19 control and preventive measures are influenced by social belonging and traversed by inequalities that tend to exacerbate. COVID-19 surrounding infodemic and vaccine hesitancy reflect the tension between scientificallyvalidated and self-perceived risk, besides being impacted by the crisis of confidence in science. Perceiving risk and adhering to precautionary measures extrapolate subjectivity and rationality, and mirror values and creed shaped by the political, economic, and sociocultural dimensions.

Habermas discusses the chances for the establishment of world citizenship in contemporary society, marked by multiculturalism and the process of globalization. Habermas identifies the historical configuration of the post-national constellation, and from there themed the transition from international law to the law of citizens of the world, which aligns the concept of citizenship to the idea of ​​human rights. Habermas analyzes the Kantian idea of ​​a cosmopolitan state in which citizens are legal subjects of their respective States and members of a cosmopolitan entity. Kant elaborates on the concept of world republic, which Habermas disagrees with, but offers the example of the European Union for a discussion on the realization of a just and peaceful international order. Based on the Kantian orientation of constituting an order of world citizenship, Habermas discusses the conformation and viability of this idea in contemporary times. For Habermas, it is possible to spell out the idea of ​​cosmopolitan citizenship. From the European Union, cooperation between States and citizens shows that a cosmopolitan community is needed to complement an international community of States.

This article focuses on the contribution of the Council of Europe (CoE) to the promotion & safeguard of democracy, human rights & the rule of law in Western & Eastern Europe. It is divided in two sections. The first one is an account of how the Council developed a pattern of open & flexible inclusion of new & fragile democracies in the "European political mainstream," without ceasing to promote the development of civil society. The cases chosen here are the relations established with the Iberian states & those of Central & Eastern Europe. Section two highlights some of the legal & institutional innovations brought along with the existence of the CoE & the European Convention of Human Rights. In its conclusion, the author outlines a set of considerations for further reflection on the role of the Council of Europe in the post-9/11 world. Adapted from the source document.

The main goal of this paper is to problematize the Plano de Desenvolvimento da Escola Interativo (PDDE Interativo) and the objectification of school management regulation mechanisms. The reflection has as reference the movement of administrative modernization and the regulation called 'post-bureaucratic', in which changes in the role of the State are identified, with a focus on managerial management. The analysis is done considering the World Bank's prescription for the reform of the education systems of its partner countries, especially those in its '2020 strategy for education'. We highlight a movement of constriction to a given model of educational reform, based on strategic monitoring, carried out through the creation of online databases. Regulation is discussed from the perspective of the economic imperative, control over the work of the school management, the systematic and strategic collection of school data, as well as the result-oriented financing mechanism. Final considerations indicate the conflict of the PDDE Interativo with the Political Pedagogical Project, as well as pointing to the need to reinforce the autonomy of the school units and the commitment of organized civil society in the search for quality public education and socially referenced. ; The main goal of this paper is to problematize the Plano de Desenvolvimento da Escola Interativo (PDDE Interativo) and the objectification of school management regulation mechanisms. The reflection has as reference the movement of administrative modernization and the regulation called 'post-bureaucratic', in which changes in the role of the State are identified, with a focus on managerial management. The analysis is done considering the World Bank's prescription for the reform of the education systems of its partner countries, especially those in its '2020 strategy for education'. We highlight a movement of constriction to a given model of educational reform, based on strategic monitoring, carried out through the creation of online databases. Regulation ...