Suchergebnisse

World Order, Non-Proliferation and Nuclear Weapon-Free Zones -- The security environment in Latin America : the meaning of militarism and militarization -- The rise and fall of the Brazilian "Independent Foreign Policy" : the search for national security -- The Brazilian nuclear policy, the non-proliferation treaty and the Treaty of Tlatelolco -- Brazil's nuclear policy and the regional approach towards nuclear proliferation in Latin America

This work presents reflections on the field of participatory democracy in Latin America, based on the analysis of the experiences of Cotacachi in Ecuador, and Torres in Venezuela, which are examples of great popular participation at the local level. The study proposes to interpret the experiences from a Latin American point of view, considering the singularities of each municipality analyzed. The aim is to identify which factors contribute to the emergence and consolidation of mechanisms of participation in the public policy decision-making process. In order to approximate the democratic theory of the context of Latin America, the study presents an analysis structured in two relevant concepts for the theory: agency and public space. These concepts were essential to identify which factors allowed the creation and consolidation of practices of participatory democracy at the local level. The analysis of the experiences resulted in a list of seven factors that were fundamental for their advancement and diffusion, factors that may represent important guidelines for the development of new democratic practices in countries of the region. Finally, the study present some reflections on the challenges that must be overcome to expand the local power and popular participation in Latin America. ; Presentamos en este artículo las reflexiones desarrolladas en el campo de la democracia participativa en América Latina a partir del análisis de dos experiencias de participación popular en el ámbito local. Nuestro objetivo es hacer una relectura de esas experiencias a partir de una perspectiva teórica latinoamericana, que considere sus singularidades. Pretendemos, con eso, identificar qué factores contribuyeron a la emergencia y consolidación de los mecanismos de participación en los procesos de toma de decisión sobre políticas públicas. Buscando revisar la teoría democrática, para aproximarla a la realidad latinoamericana, construimos un análisis estructurado en dos conceptos caros a la teoría democrática: agencia y espacio público. Basados en los dos conceptos, buscamos identificar cuáles son los factores que permitirán la creación y consolidación de prácticas de democracia participativa local. Analizando las experiencias de Cotacachi, Ecuador, y Torres, Venezuela, identificamos siete elementos fundamentales que, a partir de nuestra perspectiva, son directrices para el desarrollo de nuevas prácticas democráticas en países latinoamericanos. Por ende, presentamos algunas reflexiones sobre los retos para la ampliación del poder local e de la participación popular en Nuestra América. ; Apresentamos neste trabalho as reflexões desenvolvidas no campo da democracia participativa na América Latina a partir da análise de duas experiências que permitiram uma maior participação popular no âmbito local. Nosso objetivo é fazer uma releitura dessas experiências a partir de uma perspectiva teórica latino-americana, que considere suas singularidades. Pretendemos, dessa forma, identificar quais fatores contribuíram para a emergência e consolidação dos mecanismos de participação nos processos de tomada de decisão sobre políticas públicas. Buscando revisar a teoria democrática, de forma a aproximá-la da realidade latino-americana, construímos uma análise estruturada em dois conceitos caros à teoria democrática: agência e espaço público. Baseados nesses conceitos, buscamos identificar os fatores que permitiram a criação e a consolidação de práticas de democracia participativa local. Analisando as experiências de Cotacachi, no Equador, e Torres, na Venezuela, elencamos sete fatores que consideramos fundamentais para o avanço e difusão das duas experiências, podendo estes representar importantes diretrizes para o desenvolvimento de novas práticas democratizantes nos países latino-americanos. Por fim, trazemos algumas reflexões sobre desafios relevantes que devem ser considerados para a ampliação do poder local e da participação popular em Nuestra América.

In the 1970s, the term "civil society" was reinvented almost simultaneously in Latin America and Central and Eastern Europe.The problems of consolidating democracy are often interpreted as the result of a weakened civil society that has not established itself as an independent arena in the new political system. This article explores the basic similarities and differences in the character of civil society in both regions aswell as asks several questions concerning its relations with political regimes and the role of social movements international nongovernment organizations in theformation of civil society. ; Nos anos 1970, o termo "sociedade civil" foi reinventado quase simultaneamente na América Latina e na Europa Central e Oriental. Os problemas com a consolidação da democracia são freqüentemente interpretados como resultado de umasociedade civil fragilizada, que não se estabeleceu como arena independente no novo sistema político. Este artigo exploraas similaridades e diferenças básicas no caráter da sociedade civil em ambas asregiões e faz alguns questionamentos acerca das relações com os regimes políticos bem como sobre o papel dos movimentos sociais e das organizações nãogovernamentaisinternacionais na formação da sociedade civil.

This dissertation focuses on the figure of Francisco Morazán, liberal caudillo of Honduran origin and president for ten years of the Federal Republic of Central America founded in 1824, few years after the independence of the region from the Spanish crown. The process of heroization and its uses are studied mainly through historical books, newspaper articles, political speeches and various "territorial marks". A comparative perspective is developed between the five states that made up the Federation: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica. This investigation offers a History of memory recorded in the current of the cultural History of politics: it is not intended to give an "objective" dimension to the figure of Morazán but to identify the symbolic and mythical aspects used to rebuild his image. The analysis aims at understanding in what way the fabric of this Central American hero has supported the legitimacy in power of various governments. The links between the heroic memory and the invention of the nation are here questioned considering that regional identity has remained a frame of reference throughout the study period despite the failure of the various unionist attempts.This work begins with the death of Morazán in 1842, a key episode for his heroization, and ends with the centenary of his death. Three commemorative contexts were defined around which the dissertation has been organized. The first part (1829-1858) tackles the lifetime of the caudillo and his execution to highlight the passage from the historic person to the hero. The first steps of his official heroization occurred at a time qualified as conservative with the repatriation of his remains from Costa Rica to El Salvador and the official burial of his body in the Salvadoran capital. The second part (1880-1892) focuses on the formalization and institutionalization of the heroic cult during the first stage of the so-called liberal era, with the inauguration of the first statues in his honor at San Salvador and Tegucigalpa, the creation of the park "Morazán" in the Costa Rican capital and the celebration of the centenary of his birth that has a major impact in Guatemala. In the third and last part (1921-1942), which takes place during the second phase of the liberal period, the organization of two centenaries is examined: that of the independence of Central America and that of the death of Morazán that results in a multiplication of political uses of his figure. ; La presente tesis trata de la figura de Francisco Morazán, caudillo liberal de origen hondureño y presidente durante diez años de la República Federal de Centro América, fundada en 1824, algunos años después de la independencia de la región ante la corona española. El proceso de heroización y sus usos son estudiados principalmente a través de obras históricas, artículos de prensa, discursos políticos y diversas "marcas territoriales". Se desarrolla una perspectiva comparativa entre los cinco Estados que conformaron la Federación: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua y Costa Rica. Esta investigación propone una Historia de la memoria inscrita en la corriente de la Historia cultural de lo político: no se trata de volver a dar una dimensión "objetiva" a Morazán sino de extraer los aspectos simbólicos y míticos que reconstruyeron su imagen. El análisis pretende entender en qué sentido la fabricación del héroe centroamericano permitió sostener la legitimidad en poder de diferentes gobiernos. Los lazos entre la memoria heroica y la invención de la nación están aquí interrogados tomando en cuenta que la escala regional siguió siendo un marco de referencia identitario a lo largo del periodo de estudio, a pesar del fracaso de los diferentes intentos unionistas.Este trabajo empieza con la muerte de Morazán en 1842, episodio clave para su heroización, y se termina con el centenario de ésta. La reflexión se organiza a través de tres contextos conmemorativos definidos para éste propósito. La primera parte (1829-1858) se refiere al periodo de vida del caudillo y a su fusilamiento, con el objetivo de evidenciar la transformación del personaje histórico en héroe. Los primeros pasos de su heroización oficial tienen lugar en una época calificada de conservadora, con la repatriación de sus restos desde Costa Rica hasta El Salvador y la inhumación oficial de su cuerpo en la capital salvadoreña. La segunda parte (1880-1892) abarca la oficialización e institucionalización del culto heroico, durante la primera etapa de la época llamada liberal, con la inauguración de las primeras estatuas en su honor en San Salvador y Tegucigalpa, la creación del parque "Morazán" en la capital costarricense y la celebración del centenario de su nacimiento, el cual tiene un impacto determinante en Guatemala. En la tercera y última parte (1921-1942), que ocurre durante la segunda fase del periodo liberal, examinamos la organización de dos centenarios: el de la independencia de América Central y el de la muerte de Morazán, eventos que dan lugar a una multiplicación de los usos políticos de su figura. ; Cette thèse porte sur la figure de Francisco Morazán, caudillo libéral d'origine hondurienne et président pendant dix ans de la République Fédérale d'Amérique Centrale fondée en 1824, quelques années après l'indépendance de la région face à la couronne espagnole. Le processus d'héroïsation et ses usages sont étudiés principalement à travers des ouvrages historiques, des articles de presse, des discours politiques et diverses « marques territoriales ». Une perspective comparative est développée entre les cinq États qui ont composé la Fédération : le Guatemala, le Salvador, le Honduras, le Nicaragua et le Costa Rica. Cette recherche propose une Histoire de la mémoire inscrite dans le courant de l'Histoire culturelle du politique : il ne s'agit pas de redonner une dimension « objective » à la figure de Morazán mais de dégager les aspects symboliques et mythiques qui ont reconstruit son image. L'analyse vise à comprendre en quel sens la fabrique du héros centraméricain a permis de soutenir la légitimité au pouvoir de différents gouvernements. Ce sont les liens entre la mémoire héroïque et l'invention de la nation qui sont ici interrogés en considérant que l'échelle régionale est restée un cadre de référence identitaire tout au long de la période d'étude, malgré l'échec des différentes tentatives unionistes. Ce travail commence avec la mort de Morazán en 1842, épisode clé pour son héroïsation, et se termine avec le centenaire de sa mort. Trois contextes commémoratifs ont été définis autour desquels la réflexion a été organisée. La première partie (1829-1858) aborde la période de vie du caudillo et son exécution pour mettre en évidence le passage du personnage historique au héros. Les premiers pas de son héroïsation officielle ont lieu durant une époque qualifiée de conservatrice avec le rapatriement de ses restes du Costa Rica au Salvador et l'inhumation officielle de son corps dans la capitale salvadorienne. La deuxième partie (1880-1892) s'intéresse à l'officialisation et l'institutionnalisation du culte héroïque durant la première étape de l'époque dite libérale, avec l'inauguration des premières statues en son honneur à San Salvador et Tegucigalpa, la création du parc « Morazán » dans la capitale costaricienne et la célébration du centenaire de sa naissance, qui a un impact déterminant au Guatemala. Dans la troisième et dernière partie (1921-1942), qui se déroule pendant la seconde phase de la période libérale, l'organisation de deux centenaires est examinée : celui de l'indépendance de l'Amérique Centrale et celui de la mort de Morazán qui donnent lieu à une multiplication des usages politiques de sa figure.

This dissertation focuses on the figure of Francisco Morazán, liberal caudillo of Honduran origin and president for ten years of the Federal Republic of Central America founded in 1824, few years after the independence of the region from the Spanish crown. The process of heroization and its uses are studied mainly through historical books, newspaper articles, political speeches and various "territorial marks". A comparative perspective is developed between the five states that made up the Federation: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica. This investigation offers a History of memory recorded in the current of the cultural History of politics: it is not intended to give an "objective" dimension to the figure of Morazán but to identify the symbolic and mythical aspects used to rebuild his image. The analysis aims at understanding in what way the fabric of this Central American hero has supported the legitimacy in power of various governments. The links between the heroic memory and the invention of the nation are here questioned considering that regional identity has remained a frame of reference throughout the study period despite the failure of the various unionist attempts.This work begins with the death of Morazán in 1842, a key episode for his heroization, and ends with the centenary of his death. Three commemorative contexts were defined around which the dissertation has been organized. The first part (1829-1858) tackles the lifetime of the caudillo and his execution to highlight the passage from the historic person to the hero. The first steps of his official heroization occurred at a time qualified as conservative with the repatriation of his remains from Costa Rica to El Salvador and the official burial of his body in the Salvadoran capital. The second part (1880-1892) focuses on the formalization and institutionalization of the heroic cult during the first stage of the so-called liberal era, with the inauguration of the first statues in his honor at San Salvador and Tegucigalpa, the ...

Revisionism of relations with the United States and its variables in progressive governments in South America. This paper Identifies and analyzes the different types of revisionist politics, and its levels, developed by progressive governments in South America toward the United States over the past 13 years. For such, it uses as starting points concepts that are fundamental for better understanding the behavior of South American countries in relation with the great power: 'peripheral revisionism,' by Cesar Guimaraes, and 'autonomous confrontation' and 'antagonistic confrontation,' both by Hello Jaguarlbe. From the developments of these concepts, a theoretical model was developed with different types of peripheral revisionisms, which allowed for fine-tuning the classifications of foreign policies in the period. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of this article is to analyze the current dynamics of South American integration and the role played by Brazil in the region. The formation of Unasur evidences the projection of new themes and issues in regional cooperation, among which, the dimensions of security, infrastructure and financing. The projection of these issues opens up the possibility of change in historical dilemmas of cooperation and integration in South America and can offer new indications about the direction Brazilian foreign policy seeks to confer on regional integration. We intend to examine whether the sense of cooperation in South America has changed with the formation of Unasur, and to what extent it is possible to build a regional integration process that aims to strengthen national autonomy. Adapted from the source document.

Este artigo recupera a trajetória do Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social - BNDES em dois momentos distintos do desenvolvimento econômico brasileiro: o que corresponde à condução da política econômica a partir do ideário desenvolvimentista, quando o Banco constitui-se como uma instituição de fomento e principal ofertante de crédito de longo prazo e torna-se o principal financiador da montagem da infraestrutura e de setores industriais estruturantes da economia brasileira sob a coordenação do Estado e o que, o Brasil já adotando estratégias de política econômica de inspiração liberal, o Banco reorientada a sua atuação na direção de constituir-se como coordenador e financiador da reestruturação patrimonial brasileira por meio de fusões e aquisições promovidas pelas privatizações. A mudança patrimonial mais que uma mudança do controle do capital estatal para o privado, também significou a diversificação produtiva de grupos industriais com fortalecimento da produção de commodities e do setor da construção civil. Nessa nova conjuntura o Banco redefine a sua articulação com os capitais privados nacional e estrangeiro e a sua presença na América do Sul como financiador de exportações brasileiras. ; This paper traces the role of the National Bank of Economic and Social Development ―BNDES― at two distinct moments in Brazil's economic development trajectory. The first corresponds to the implementing of economic policies based on developmental ideals, when the Bank establishes itself as a funding institution and long-term credit offerer, thus becoming the main financer of State-coordinated infrastructure and industrial sectors of the Brazilian economy. The second one, when the Bank, following liberal inspired economic policy strategies which guide governmental actions, redirects its efforts towards establishing itself as the coordinator and financer of the Brazilian asset restructure by means of mergers and acquisitions promoted by privatizations. The ownership change, more than just a change in control from state-owned to private capital, also leads to a productive diversification of industrial groups, thus, empowering the production of commodities and the civil construction sector. In such scenario, the Bank redefines its relationships with national and foreign private capital, and its presence within South America as a financer of Brazilian exports. ; Este artículo analiza la función del Banco Nacional de Desarrollo Económico y Social —BNDES— en dos etapas distintas de la trayectoria de desarrollo económico de Brasil: primer corresponde a la política económica de la ideología desarrollista —cuando BNDES se estableció como una institución de desarrollo convirtiéndose en el principal proveedor de crédito a largo plazo, y entonces se convierte en el financiador más importante de la infraestructura y los sectores industriales estructurantes de la economía brasileña, bajo la coordinación del Estado—; y en segundo lugar, con Brasil ya adoptado estrategias de la política económica de inspiración liberal, cuando el BNDES se vio obligado a volver a sus actividades hacia consolidarse como financiador y coordinador de la reestructuración del patrimonio neto de Brasil por medio de fusiones y adquisiciones promovidas durante el proceso de privatización. El cambio de propiedad, más que un cambio de control de la capital del estado a lo privado, también significó la diversificación productiva de los grupos industriales con el fortalecimiento de la producción de mercancías y la industria de la construcción. En este nuevo contexto BNDES redefine su relación con el capital privado nacional y extranjero, así como su presencia en América del Sur actuando como financiador de las exportaciones brasileñas.

During the fifteen years discussed here — 1998-2013 — all the countries of South America, except Colombia and Peru, have democratically established themselves through the ballot boxes of left-wing governments. This turn to the left began in 1998 with the election of Hugo Chavez by universal suffrage as President of the Republic of Venezuela. Such an impressive tidal tress raises questions about its causes but also about the distinction that is usually made on the two left: one referred to as moderate, comprising Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Chile, and the other considered to be revolutionary, including Hugo Chavez, Bolivia of Evo Morales and Equateur de Rafael Correa. Research has different objectives: understanding the origins of the turn on the left, drawing up the balance sheet after 15 years of power, defining political, economic and social achievements. Cristina Kirchner estimated the 2000s in Argentina as a gained decade. This judgment could be extended to most countries in the region. The debt problem has been resolved to the advantage of certain countries such as Argentina and Ecuador. Growth has returned throughout the subcontinent. Poverty has fallen to a very large extent, even though it is far from being eliminated. Unemployment has also decreased. The middle classes have grown. The neo-liberal model behind South American illnesses in the previous period was fought. That said, nothing is played definitively. In most countries, the right retains a resounding power. ; Au cours des quinze années ici abordées -1998-2013- tous les pays de l'Amérique du Sud, à l'exception de la Colombie et du Pérou, se sont dotés démocratiquement par les urnes de gouvernements de gauche. Ce virage a gauche a débuté en 1998 par l'élection d'Hugo Chavez au suffrage universel à la présidence de la république du Venezuela. Un raz de marée aussi impressionnant conduit à s'interroger sur ses causes mais aussi sur la distinction que l'on opère habituellement sur les deux gauche : l'une qualifiée de modérée qui regroupe le Brésil, ...

The articles Work led by Armony and Rousseau are derived, in large part, the work presented on the occasion of the international conference 'The recognition of equality and difference. Regards on transnational democratization', held in the Universite Laval in November 2009. as part of the framework of the literature dealing with sociology and political anthropology, social movements and democratization process in Latin America, the book addresses issues in terms of the link between Pindigeneite and politics, the challenges of citizen participation and the Constitutional recognition of multiple nationality. Adapted from the source document.

Official circuits of art production such as Artistic corporations and Academies, provide the art historian with a wider context by which to approach the object and link it to the creation process. Unfortunately, such formal Academies and Corporations did not exist in ail of colonial Latin America, even though the success of the Spanish political project was based upon the evangelization process and thus, the construction of temples. Not being able to rely on the traditional methods to study the artistic production of the New Granada (present country of Colombia), we propose here to study the catholic temple construction from the perspective a cultural history. To this end, we used heuristic research. This methodological approach was abandoned in the study of Colimbian colonial art since the 1980s. Nevertheless, the use of archival documents represents a rich source of information. Thus, by avoiding the historical analysis based on the study of the shape and taxinomic classification of an object, we privileged a cultural interpretation of archival documents. Using this source, we were able to study the production of religious temples, from the establishment of rules and regulations to the finalization or abandonment of projects. We were also interested in the detailed analysis of the different actors that intervened at the creation level of a project. By stressing the study of their training we were able to reconstruct how the ideas and skills were transmitted on the place and time. ; Qu'il s'agisse de corporations ou d'Académies, l'existence de circuits de production artistique officiels (ou du moins formellement constitués), fournit à l'historien de l'art une grille de lecture permettant de structurer l'approche avec l'objet à étudier et avec les processus qui ont abouti à sa création. Cela ne se vérifie pas dans toute l'Amérique coloniale même si, paradoxalement, la légitimité du projet politique espagnol se fondait sur le succès de la campagne évangélisatrice et donc sur la mise en place de temples, ce qui théoriquement, devrait se traduire par l'imposition d'un goût officiel à travers de telles institutions. Face à l'impossibilité d'étudier la production artistique de la Nouvelle Grenade (Colombie actuelle) selon une histoire qualitative articulée autour d'un jugement de valeurs (le Beau, le Vrai le Bien), ce travail propose d'aborder le bâti religieux depuis la perspective d'une histoire culturelle. Comme instrument méthodologique nous avons privilégié la recherche heuristique. Délaissée par l'histoire de l'art colonial colombien depuis les années 1980, cette approche qui implique la mise en valeur du patrimoine documentaire, représente pourtant une source très abondante d'informations. Eloignés d'une histoire basée sur l'analyse de la forme et sur sa classification taxonomique, une lecture culturaliste des documents d'archive nous a permis d'approcher la chaîne de production du bâti, depuis la mise en place d'une réglementation jusqu'à la réalisation - ou l'abandon - du projet. Nous avons également identifié les différents acteurs susceptibles d'intervenir dans l'étape de d'invention du projet, en prêtant une attention particulière à leur formation afin de restituer les voies qui ont permis la circulation des idées et du savoir-faire.

International audience ; [To deploy its scientific vocation, geopolitical aims to highlight patterns may provide reference points transposed in a world where power relations are complex. However, geopolitical study of Colombia constitutes hardly a good example because many geopolitical paradoxes, that is to say, situations or geopolitical developments composed of elements a priori contradictory. The first paradox, cognitive, adds geographical exceptional but difficult to value because the country is as a spa tial puzzle situation. In addition, Colombia is a country in Latin America where the political weight of the military, unlike the history of the sub-continent since independence, has been never historically important. Fourth paradox : Colombian democracy was consolidated despite violent conflictualities. The 2000s have seen it two successive contradictions : a Democratic president beloved inside and outside very vilified, then suddenly recognized. Two other paradoxes take the issue of displaced by internal conflicts, then, in the 2010s, to an heir President seeming to want to divert the inheritance. Finally, in parallel, the fact that South American country to join the " Yankees ", often reviled in this region remains amazing.] ; Afin de déployer sa vocation scientifique, la géopolitique vise à mettre en évidence des régularités susceptibles d'offrir des points de repère transposables dans un monde où les rapports de force sont complexes. Or, l'étude géopolitique de la Colombie ne consti-tue guère un exemple probant du fait de nombreux paradoxes géopolitiques, c'est-à-dire de situations ou d'évolutions géopolitiques composées d'éléments a priori antinomiques. Au premier paradoxe, de nature cognitive, s'ajoute une situation géographique exceptionnelle mais difficile à valoriser parce que le pays se présente comme un puzzle spa-tial. En outre, la Colombie est un pays d'Amérique latine où le poids politique des mili-taires, contrairement à l'histoire de ce sous-continent depuis les indépendances, n'a ja-mais ...

International audience ; [To deploy its scientific vocation, geopolitical aims to highlight patterns may provide reference points transposed in a world where power relations are complex. However, geopolitical study of Colombia constitutes hardly a good example because many geopolitical paradoxes, that is to say, situations or geopolitical developments composed of elements a priori contradictory. The first paradox, cognitive, adds geographical exceptional but difficult to value because the country is as a spa tial puzzle situation. In addition, Colombia is a country in Latin America where the political weight of the military, unlike the history of the sub-continent since independence, has been never historically important. Fourth paradox : Colombian democracy was consolidated despite violent conflictualities. The 2000s have seen it two successive contradictions : a Democratic president beloved inside and outside very vilified, then suddenly recognized. Two other paradoxes take the issue of displaced by internal conflicts, then, in the 2010s, to an heir President seeming to want to divert the inheritance. Finally, in parallel, the fact that South American country to join the " Yankees ", often reviled in this region remains amazing.] ; Afin de déployer sa vocation scientifique, la géopolitique vise à mettre en évidence des régularités susceptibles d'offrir des points de repère transposables dans un monde où les rapports de force sont complexes. Or, l'étude géopolitique de la Colombie ne consti-tue guère un exemple probant du fait de nombreux paradoxes géopolitiques, c'est-à-dire de situations ou d'évolutions géopolitiques composées d'éléments a priori antinomiques. Au premier paradoxe, de nature cognitive, s'ajoute une situation géographique exceptionnelle mais difficile à valoriser parce que le pays se présente comme un puzzle spa-tial. En outre, la Colombie est un pays d'Amérique latine où le poids politique des mili-taires, contrairement à l'histoire de ce sous-continent depuis les indépendances, n'a ja-mais ...

International audience ; [To deploy its scientific vocation, geopolitical aims to highlight patterns may provide reference points transposed in a world where power relations are complex. However, geopolitical study of Colombia constitutes hardly a good example because many geopolitical paradoxes, that is to say, situations or geopolitical developments composed of elements a priori contradictory. The first paradox, cognitive, adds geographical exceptional but difficult to value because the country is as a spa tial puzzle situation. In addition, Colombia is a country in Latin America where the political weight of the military, unlike the history of the sub-continent since independence, has been never historically important. Fourth paradox : Colombian democracy was consolidated despite violent conflictualities. The 2000s have seen it two successive contradictions : a Democratic president beloved inside and outside very vilified, then suddenly recognized. Two other paradoxes take the issue of displaced by internal conflicts, then, in the 2010s, to an heir President seeming to want to divert the inheritance. Finally, in parallel, the fact that South American country to join the " Yankees ", often reviled in this region remains amazing.] ; Afin de déployer sa vocation scientifique, la géopolitique vise à mettre en évidence des régularités susceptibles d'offrir des points de repère transposables dans un monde où les rapports de force sont complexes. Or, l'étude géopolitique de la Colombie ne consti-tue guère un exemple probant du fait de nombreux paradoxes géopolitiques, c'est-à-dire de situations ou d'évolutions géopolitiques composées d'éléments a priori antinomiques. Au premier paradoxe, de nature cognitive, s'ajoute une situation géographique exceptionnelle mais difficile à valoriser parce que le pays se présente comme un puzzle spa-tial. En outre, la Colombie est un pays d'Amérique latine où le poids politique des mili-taires, contrairement à l'histoire de ce sous-continent depuis les indépendances, n'a ja-mais ...

Official circuits of art production such as Artistic corporations and Academies, provide the art historian with a wider context by which to approach the object and link it to the creation process. Unfortunately, such formal Academies and Corporations did not exist in ail of colonial Latin America, even though the success of the Spanish political project was based upon the evangelization process and thus, the construction of temples. Not being able to rely on the traditional methods to study the artistic production of the New Granada (present country of Colombia), we propose here to study the catholic temple construction from the perspective a cultural history. To this end, we used heuristic research. This methodological approach was abandoned in the study of Colimbian colonial art since the 1980s. Nevertheless, the use of archival documents represents a rich source of information. Thus, by avoiding the historical analysis based on the study of the shape and taxinomic classification of an object, we privileged a cultural interpretation of archival documents. Using this source, we were able to study the production of religious temples, from the establishment of rules and regulations to the finalization or abandonment of projects. We were also interested in the detailed analysis of the different actors that intervened at the creation level of a project. By stressing the study of their training we were able to reconstruct how the ideas and skills were transmitted on the place and time. ; Qu'il s'agisse de corporations ou d'Académies, l'existence de circuits de production artistique officiels (ou du moins formellement constitués), fournit à l'historien de l'art une grille de lecture permettant de structurer l'approche avec l'objet à étudier et avec les processus qui ont abouti à sa création. Cela ne se vérifie pas dans toute l'Amérique coloniale même si, paradoxalement, la légitimité du projet politique espagnol se fondait sur le succès de la campagne évangélisatrice et donc sur la mise en place de temples, ce qui ...