Suchergebnisse

U ovom radu, autorica se osvrće na Lefebvreovu knjigu Proizvodnja prostora, koja nudi zanimljiv pogled na tradiciju filozofskog ophođenja spram pojma prostora. Unutar ovakvoga prikaza, učenja dvojice istaknutih predstavnika filozofije njemačkog idealizma, Kanta i Hegela, imaju posebno mjesto. Lefebvre nudi dovoljno materijala za artikuliranje moderne povijesti filozofije kao epohalnog prijelaza s problematike vremenitosti na problematiku prostora. Autorica nastoji pokazati u kojem se smislu u ovom kontekstu ističe položaj spomenutih filozofa i to s obzirom na njihovo razumijevanje pojma prostora i njegovog odnosa sa shvaćanjem subjektivnosti. Taj odnos nije vezan isključivo za problem spoznaje, nego ujedno za tematizaciju djelovanja u smislu društvene prakse i političkog karaktera znanja unutar društvene zbilje. ; In this paper, the author analyses Lefebvre's book The Production of Space, which gives an interesting perspective on the tradition of the philosophical treatment of the concept of space. Within this framework, two renowned philosophers of German Idealism, Kant and Hegel, occupy a distinguished place. Lefebvre does offer enough material needed for an articulation of modern history of philosophy regarding an epochal change from the problem of temporality towards the problem of space. The author intends to show in what manner is the role and place of those two philosophers distinguished, regarding their understanding of the notion of space and its relation to subjectivity. This relation is not exclusively an epistemological problem, but more importantly, it is tied to the thematising the agency in the sense of social practice and political character of knowledge within social reality.

Funkcionalna suradnja NATO-a i Ruske Federacije u suvremenim međunarodnim odnosima je nužna, ali zbog još uvijek obostranog nepovjerenja i natjecateljski postavljenih ciljeva teško se ostvaruje. Autorica polazi od prikaza i analize postojećih odnosa suradnje ta dva aktera oko globalnih pitanja (borba protiv terorizma, krijumčarenje droga i narkotika, elementarne nepogode, obuka afganistanskih sigurnosnih snaga) najvećim dijelom operacionaliziranih u Afganistanu. Potom prikazuje prostor Arktika kao prostor na kojem se NATO i Ruska Federacija tek interesno pozicioniraju. Globalni izazovi sigurnosti (klimatske promjene, sigurnost transportnih ruta, eksploatacija energenata) ponovno mogu približiti stavove ta dva aktera, ali iz dosad poduzetih akcija autorica zaključuje da će i taj prostor biti poprište konfrontacija. Na kraju analizira dva osnovna problema (raketni štit u Europi i daljnje širenje NATO-a) koji su od završetka Hladnog rata pa do danas glavni problemi u odnosima NATO-a i Ruske Federacije. Bez obzira na trenutnu ukrajinsku krizu očito je da će se i budući odnosi NATO-Ruska Federacija paralelno odvijati na dva kolosijeka: funkcionalnoj suradnji i odnosima hladnog mira. ; Functional cooperation between NATO and the Russian Federation is a necessity within the contemporary international relations. However, due to a lack of mutual trust which is still being felt and competitively set objectives of both players, such cooperation is sometimes difficult to achieve. Author starts by presenting and analyzing the existing examples of cooperation between the two states on global issues (fight against terrorism, drug trafficking, natural disasters, training of security forces in Afghanistan) – most of which is taking place in Afghanistan. She continues by elaborating on the situation in the Arctic territories where both NATO and the Russian Federation are just starting to position their interests. Again, it is the global challenges to security that might bring the positions of the two players closer in this area (such as climate changes, safety of transport routes, energy exploitation), but based on their activities so far the author concludes that this area might also become an area of confrontation. Finally, the author analyses two major issues (missile defense in Europe and further NATO enlargement) that have been principal problems in NATO-Russia relations ever since the end of the Cold War. Regardless of the current crisis in Ukraine it is apparent that future relations between NATO and the Russian Federation will continue on two parallel tracks: functional cooperation on one, and "cold peace" on the other.

Autor u radu obrađuje desne političke stranke. Riječ je o najbrže rastućoj stranačkoj obitelji u Europi. U tom smislu analizira i prikazuje ideologiju, pojmove i vrste desnih političkih stranaka. Posebna pozornost posvećena je ideologiji stranaka radikalne desnice kroz teorijski okvir nizozemskoga politologa Casa Muddea. ; The author deals with right-wing political parties. It is the fastest growing party family in Europe. In this sense, he analyses and displays the ideology, concepts, and types of right-wing political parties. Special attention is paid to the ideology of the parties of the radical right through the theoretical framework of the Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde.

It is the authors' ambition to answer the following question: to ‎what extend does the political parties of national minorities influence‎ on the cultural autonomy in Serbia. With an intention of answering ‎the research question the author analize the role of minority parties ‎in establishing of National Minorities Councils (NMCs). NMCs are ‎the main institution of cultural autonomy in Serbia. There are twenty three ‎minority groups who have established National Minority Council,‎ there for author of this paper selected two minority groups as case‎ studies: Hungarian and Croats. Political parties of national minorities‎ play a major role in the integration process, their role in the field ‎of political integration is clear, however, the influence of these parties,‎ as the main generators of national minority interests, on cultural ‎autonomy and social integration has not been sufficiently explored.‎ The aim of this paper is to examine the following hypothesis: Cultural ‎autonomy in Serbia is primarily domain, even monopolized by minorities' ‎parties. In order to determine the character of the impact of‎ political parties on the work of NMCs first step will be to distinguish‎ main features of the model of cultural autonomy applied in Serbia. In ‎following will be given a brief overview of minority parties development ‎with special emphasis on their position in political and party‎ system of Serbia. Finally the impact of minority parties on the functioning‎ of NMCs will be presented, through two parameters: participation ‎in elections for NMCS and decision-making process. The first ‎parameter is dedicated to analysis of the results and the subjects of the ‎campaigns. The second parameter relates to the degree of inclusiveness ‎of the decision-making process.‎

U radu autor na temelju izvornog arhivskog gradiva, onodobne periodike i relevantne literature analizira događanja oko naftnih polja zapadnog Srijema (s posebnim naglaskom na onom u Đeletovcima), a u kontekstu provedbe triju mirovnih operacija Ujedinjenih naroda u Hrvatskoj (UNPROFOR, UNCRO i UNTAES). Imajući na umu presudnu stratešku važnost naftnih polja zapadnog Srijema, autor zaključuje da su mirovne snage, čak i unutar ograničenja tradicionalnih operacija za čuvanje mira (UNPROFOR i UNCRO), propustileaktivnim nastupom spriječiti krađu nafte, čime su ohrabrile krajinske Srbe u politici opstrukcije mirovnih operacija. Do aktivnije uloge mirovnih snaga je, iako u promijenjenim okolnostima, ipak došlo početkom operacije UNTAES, što je bio trenutak u kojem je zacrtan kasniji uspjeh mirne reintegracije hrvatskog Podunavlja. ; In this paper the author analyses occurrences connected with the oilfields of western Syrmia (with special emphasis on the oilfield in Đeletovci) based on archival material, the periodicals of the time and relevant literature in the context of the implementation of the three peacekeeping operations of the United Nations in Croatia (UNPROFOR, UNCRO and UNTAES). Bearing the decisive strategic importance of oilfields of western Syrmia in mind, the author has come to the conclusion that the peacekeeping forces, even within the limitations of traditional peacekeeping operations (UNPROFOR and UNCRO) failed to prevent oil theft by an active approach. By doing so they encouraged the Krajina Serbs in their policy of obstructing the peacekeeping operations. However, a more active role of the peacekeeping forces, albeit in altered circumstances, occurred at the beginning of the UNTAES operation, which was the moment when the later success of the peaceful reintegration of the Croatian Danube River Basin was set out.

Predmet teksta estetički su aspekti desnih totalitarnih ideologija, preciznije funkcija koju u njihovu nastanku i održavanju ima kič kao pseudoumjetnost. Budući da je sklonost k njemu, kako su teoretičari odavno utvrdili, obilježje jedne kompleksne strukture ljudskog doživljavanja i stajališta prema svijetu, autorica istražuje i načine na koji se ona eksploatirala, odnosno kako se njome manipuliralo i u drugim, strogo uzevši neestetskim sferama života u Njemačkoj i Italiji tridesetih godina proteklog vijeka. Politička simbolika, jezik politike, ponuđeni obrasci političke identifikacije i mobilizacije k projektiranom političkom cilju u centralnom dijelu rada predmet su njezine analize koju provodi iz tog istraživačkog rakursa. Savezništvo između kiča i totalitarnih političkih režima nije slučajno, nego, naprotiv, zasnovano na zajedničkim i čvrstim antropološkim osnovama. ; This text deals with aesthetic aspects of right totalitarian ideologies, or more precisely, the function that kitsch as pseudoart has in their origin and maintenance. As affinity towards kitsch, which was established by art theoreticians a long time ago, is a characteristic of a complex structure of human experience and view of the world, the author also explores the ways in which it was exploited or manipulated in other, strictly speaking non-aesthetic spheres of life in Germany and Italy of the 1930s. Political symbolism, language of politics, offered forms of political identification and mobilization towards the projected political goal are the subject of her analysis in the central part of the text, which analysis is derived from that angle of research. The author concludes that the alliance between kitsch and totalitarian political regimes is not accidental, but that it is, on the contrary, founded on common and firm anthropological bases.

In the first part of the paper the author makes observations about the demographic processes and ageing of the population. In the second part some basic data about ageing that determines prolongation of life cycle are presented on one hand, and the decreased rates of demographic reproduction on the other. The second part of the paper outlines the projections about the ageing of the population in Croatia and Europe in the following decades. In the third part of the paper public policies focused on overcoming and mitigating consequences of the population ageing are discussed. These include the concept of active ageing, reforms in pension and health systems and the system of the care for the elderly. Finally, the author reflects on some aspects of the future intergenerational contract that should be based on the paradigm adjusted with the changes of circumstances in which people live nowadays. ; U prvom dijelu rada autor iznosi zapažanja o demografskim procesima i starenju stanovništva. U drugom dijelu prezentirani su osnovni podaci o starenju koje determinira produljenje ljudskog vijeka, s jedne, te smanjene stope demografske reprodukcije, s druge strane. U nastavku se iznose projekcije o starenju stanovništva u Hrvatskoj i Europi u narednim desetljećima. U trećem dijelu raspravlja se o javnim politikama usmjerenim na prevladavanje i ublažavanje posljedica starenja stanovništva. Riječ je o konceptu aktivnog starenja, reformama u mirovinskom i zdravstvenom sustavu te sustavu skrbi o starima. Na kraju, autor se osvrće na neke aspekte budućeg međugeneracijskog sporazuma koji se treba temeljiti na paradigmi usklađenoj s promjenama okolnosti u kojima ljudi danas žive.

Cilj je ovoga rada razmotriti je li Hrvatskoj potrebna institucionalna reforma upravnosudskog sustava te koje alternative Hrvatskoj stoje na raspolaganju odluči li se za ovu reformu. Rad je podijeljen u pet dijelova. Nakon uvodnog dijela u kojem autor općenito problematizira o važnosti sudskog nadzora zakonitosti rada uprave i upravnog spora, analizira se stanje institucionalnog ustroja upravnog spora u Hrvatskoj danas. Zatim se razmatraju modeli ustroja upravnog spora u nekim europskim državama te se nastoji utvrditi postoji li jedinstveni europski model institucionalnog ustroja upravnog sudstva. Slijedi prikaz mogućih reformskih alternativa ukoliko se Hrvatska za takvu reformu odluči. U zaključku, autor sumira analiziranu problematiku te modele njezinog mogućeg prevladavanja. ; The aim of this paper is to examine whether Croatia needs institutional reform of the administrative judicial system and which alternatives Croatia has at its disposal if it decides upon this reform. This paper is divided into fi ve parts. After the introductory part, in which the author generally problematises the importance of judicial supervision of the legality of the work of administration and administrative dispute resolution, the state of the institutional structure of administrative dispute resolution in Croatia today is analysed. Then, organisational models of administrative dispute resloution in certain European countries are considered and an attempt is made at trying to establish whether a unitary European model of institutional organisation of administrative judiciary exists. An analysis of possible reform alternatives follows in so far as Croatia decides on such reform. In the conclusion, the author summarises the analysis of the problem areas and models of its possible prevalence.

Slijedom odluke Europskog vijeća iz lipnja 2004. kojom je Republika Hrvatska dobila status države kandidata, Europska komisija već treću godinu za redom u svom godišnjem izvješću o napretku RH ocjenjuje ispunjenje političkih i ekonomskih kriterija za njezino punopravno članstvo kao i sposobnost da preuzme pravnu stečevinu Europske unije (acquis). Hrvatsku, na njezinu putu u Europu, očekuju sveobuhvatne reforme političkog i gospodarskog sustava i temeljita prilagodba standardima EU, a od osobite je važnosti provedba reformskih mjera u sustavu javne uprave, ističe Komisija. Članak se osvrće na još neke značajne dokumente kojima se ispituje spremnost hrvatske javne uprave da postane dijelom »europske obitelji« i zaključuje da će tek postiaznjem jasnog političkog konsenzusa Hrvatska pokazati zrelost za članstvo. ; Following the decision of the Council of Europe (June 2004), Croatia acquired the status of a candidate country. In its annual report, the European Commission has been assessing the progress of the Republic of Croatia in meeting the political and economic criteria for full membership and the country's ability to implement the EU acquis communautaire for the past three years. On its way to full membership, Croatia is faced with comprehensive reforms of its political and economic systems and a thorough adaptation to the EU standards. The Commission stresses that the reforms of the public administration system are of particular importance. The author discusses some other important documents that assess readiness of the Croatian public administration to become part of the »European family«. The author concludes that Croatia will show maturity required for the EU accession only after it has achieved a clear political consensus.

Višestruke krizne pojave u jugoslavenskom društvu zahvatile su i međunacionalne odnose i utječu na jačanje »regresivnih nacionalizma«. Polazeći od pretpostavke da jedan oblik »regresivnog nacionalizma« (partikularizam) izaziva reakciju drugog (unitarizam), autor opširno analizira rezultate istraživanja slovenskog javnog mnijenja 1982. godine povodom događaja na Kosovu, kako se ti događaji reflektiraju na etničku distancu u Sloveniji, stavove i informiranost o međunacionalnim odnosima. Oslanjajući se na te rezultate i na opservacije drugih autora o jugoslavenskoj krizi, autor zaključuje da je potrebno jačati netradicionalne mehanizme integracije; reorganizirati zatvorene i neadaptivne ekonomske sisteme bez konkurentskih sposobnosti, provesti složenu operacionalizaciju samoupravnih načela i integracijsku ulogu SK što više razvijati mimo administrativne sile. ; Multi-fold crises in the Yugoslav society have encompassed inter-ethnic relations and they have an impact on the strengthening of »regressive nationalisms«. Starting from the assumption of a form of »regressive nationalism« (particularism) provoking the reaction in the form of another (unitarism), the author attempts a detailed analysis of the results of public opinion survey in Slovenia of 1982 with respect to the events in Kosovo, emphasizing the reflection of those events on the ethnical distance in Slovenia, on attitudes and information with respect to inter-ethnic relations. On the basis of those results and observations of other authors in relation to the Yugoslav crisis, the author concludes that non-traditional mechanisms of integration have to be strengthened; closed and inadaptive economic systems :— having no competitive abilities — have to be reorganized; the complex operationalization of the self-management principles yet has to be implemented and the integrative role of the League of Communists has to be developed exempt from administrative powers.

Autor u članku daje pregled programa hrvatskoga književnog predromantizma i romantizma i s njima preklapajućega narodnog preporoda i ilirizma te pokazuje kako su se u programskim tekstovima, u okolnostima mađarsko-hrvatskih napetosti i neoapsolutizma, izmjenjivale tendencije nacionalnoga romantizma i romantičnoga nacionalizma, kako ih je u europskim okvirima definirao Joep Leerssen. ; In this article the author gives an overview of the programmes of Croatian literary pre-Romanticism and Romanticism and the National Revival and Illyrian Movement that overlap with them. He also shows how the tendencies of national Romanticism and Romantic nationalism, as defined by Joep Leerssen in European terms, interchanged in the programmatic texts in circumstances defined by Hungarian-Croatian tensions and neo-absolutism.

Analizirajući 28 većinom cjelovitih natpisa iz Salone koji spominju osobe iz rimskog vojnog sustava i oslobođenike, odnosno oslobođenice iz doba principata, autor je nastojao doći do što većeg broja podataka o odnosima između oslobođenika i njihovih patrona, o značajkama oslobođeničkih kognomena i o statusu vojnika koji su imali oslobođenike. ; In analysing 28 largely whole inscriptions from Salona which mention persons from the Roman military system and freedmen or freedwomen dated to the time of the Principate, the author attempted to obtain the most possible data on relations between freed individuals and their masters, the features of the cognomina of freedmen/women and the status of soldiers who had freedmen/women.

U radu se razmatra uloga vrednota u političkom određenju stranaka i birača u Hrvatskoj na primjeru izbora za Europski parlament 2019. godine. Daje se pregled političkog određenja, ciljeva i vrednota klubova stranaka u Europskom parlamentu i stranaka u Hrvatskoj koje su osvojile više od 1% glasova u izborima za Europski parlament 2019. godine. Potom se uspoređuju rezultati hrvatskih istraživanja vrednota s rezultatima izbora za Europski parlament po regijama u Hrvatskoj. Dolazi se do spoznaje da se klubovi stranaka u Europskom parlamentu i stranke u Hrvatskoj na sličan način politički određuju po vrednotama koje deklariraju. Uočene su i podudarnosti koje ukazuju na vjerojatnost da se odluka birača na izborima državne razine temelji na istovjetnosti vrednota do kojih birači drže i vrednota koje stranke i kandidati zastupaju. ; The article discusses the role of values in political determination of parties and voters in Croatia on the example of elections for the European Parliament 2019. The article offers an overview of political determination, goals, and values of clubs of parties in the European Parliament and parties in Croatia that have managed to win more than 1% of votes at the election for the European Parliament 2019. After that, the author compares results of Croatian value study with results of the election for the European Parliament according to regions in Croatia. The author concludes that clubs of parties in the European Parliament and parties in Croatia are similarly politically determined according to values that they declare to hold. There are also other similarities that point towards the probability that decisions of voters at state elections are based on similarity of values between those who vote and those declared by parties and candidates.

U ovom radu autor na temelju dostupne literature, arhivske građe i onodobnog tiska analizira političku scenu u Virovitici i virovitičkom kotaru uoči Prvoga svjetskog rata, s posebnim naglaskom na analizi društvene i organizacijske strukture, te ideoloških specifičnosti virovitičkih pristaša Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava/Stranke prava), jedne od pravaških stranaka, koja je u ovom razdoblju bila među najutjecajnijim političkim strankama na tom području. Koristeći u ovom radu između ostaloga i prozopografsku metodu, prema kojoj se zaključci o nekoj skupini izvode iz životopisa njezinih članova, autor je zaključio, da je Čista stranka prava u Virovitici prve korake napravila uz pomoć virovitičkih mađarona, no da je znatniji broj pristaša dobila postupnim osipanjem pristaša Hrvatske stranke prava. ; In this paper by means of using available literature, archive sources and printed materials of that time, the author analyses political scene in Virovitica and district of Virovitica on the eve of the First World War, with special emphasis on analysis of social and organisational structure and ideological specificities of the inhabitants of Virovitica who were supporters of the Pure Party of Rights (Starčević's Croatian Party of Rights / Party of Rights), one of the parties of right, which in this period belonged among the most influential political parties in that area. In this paper the author used, among other means, also the prosopographical method, by which the conclusions about a specific group can also be derived from biographies of its members, which led him to believe that the Pure Party of Rights made its first steps inVirovitica with the assistance of pro-Hungarians from Virovitica, but gained a more significant number of supporters by gradual dropping out of the supporters of the Croatian Party of Rights.

U radu se razmatra koncept kombinirane socijalne politike, u kontekstu potencijala koje koncept otvara u području službi podrške za osobe s invaliditetom. Definirajući koncepte kombinirane socijalne politike te socijalnog modela invaliditeta, analizira se međusobna povezanost i slična vrijednosna utemeljenost oba koncepta. Primjena kombiniranog pristupa prema osobama s invaliditetom prema suvremenim načelima neodvojiva je od razvoja socijalnog kapitala lokalnih zajednica te primjena nije moguća bez uključivanja korisnika u procese odlučivanja i provođenja programa socijalnih usluga. Navode se dileme o budućnosti razvoja kombinirane socijalne politike te se kratko osvrće i na moguće trendove u daljnjem razvoju službi za osobe s invaliditetom. Potvrđuje se adekvatnost kombinirane socijalne politike kao prikladnog okvira za razvoj suvremenih službi podrške za osobe s invaliditetom. ; This paper considers the concept of welfare mix in the context of its potential in the field of services for people with disabilities. Through defining the concepts of welfare mix and social model of disability, the author analyses connections and similarities between these two concepts. Influences of welfare mix on operationalization of social model of disability are being analysed. Application of welfare mix towards people with disabilities is inseparable from the development of social capital of local communities. Also, the application of welfare mix in the sense of a social model of disability is unthinkable without models of including service users in the process of decision making about delivering programs of social services. Finally, there are certain dilemmas about the future development of welfare mix which are being reviewed in the context of disability groups. The author concludes by confirming welfare mix to be an adequate framework for developing modern services for people with disabilities.