Suchergebnisse

The problem of the so - called democracy deficit in the European Union (EU) is one of the most interesting and complex problems as well as one of the most important challenges the EU faces at the beginning of the 21st Century. In the two previous articles on this subject ("Studia Europejskie", No.1/2007 and 2/2007) the Author addressed the question of certain theoretical aspects of democracy deficit in the EU and the EU's institutional system operation in which democracy deficit reveals.The article deals with the question of the public opinion in the EU member states about democracy deficit. The Author presents (on the basis of the Eurobarometer's data) and analyses research findings about such questions as general opinion on the membership in the EU in a given country or views on the problem of costs and benefits deriving from membership in the EU. In the second part the Author presents results of research on such questions as a degree to which people in member states trust the EU institutions and - for the sake of comparison - their domestic ones or whether people think that the EU imposes its views upon their country, whether they understand how the EU operates or how transparent it is.

The goal of the article is the presentation of the chosen aspects of the evolution of the European Parliament. The author presents the beginnings of this body in the structure of the European Coal and Steel Community, the European Economic Community and the European Atomic Energy Community. The leitmotiv of the article is to show the increase of the importance of the European Parliament during almost 60 years of its existence, from the advisory body to the co-deciding institution in the area of legislation of the European Community. The important manifestation of the European Parliament's aspiration to strengthen its prerogatives was also the struggle to introduce the general election to this body. In the final part of the article the author tries to analyze the current position of the European Parliament in the institutional structure of the European Union.

The author highlights that Russia has ceased to be the liberator and the stronghold of the global revolution, the leader of the bloc, the defender of the 'only right ideology' and the model of a political system for other states, it was the times of the USSR. This realization Moscow continuously pursue policy to regain its position on the international arena. It is unlikely, however, that Russia will be able to fulfill her ambition by means of territorial expansion: the primary role of the economy inern international relations allows us to assume that Russia will not decide to enter an open confrontation with theWest as she is gradually made increasingly more dependent onWestern financial centers. ; The author highlights that Russia has ceased to be the liberator and the stronghold of the global revolution, the leader of the bloc, the defender of the 'only right ideology' and the model of a political system for other states, it was the times of the USSR. This realization Moscow continuously pursue policy to regain its position on the international arena. It is unlikely, however, that Russia will be able to fulfill her ambition by means of territorial expansion: the primary role of the economy inern international relations allows us to assume that Russia will not decide to enter an open confrontation with theWest as she is gradually made increasingly more dependent onWestern financial centers.

The author of the article introduces the problem of the Bologna Process and presents its importance for the Polish Higher Education. In accordance with the assumptions of the Bologna Process, the students shall become active members and co-creators of the European Higher Education Area. The condition which would entitle them to participate fully in the process is knowledge and concioussnes of its meanind. In connection with the above-mentioned remarks, the author of the paper decided to examine consciousness of the students with in the scope of this issue. In the article the research assumptions are presented as well as the characteristics of the examined community and the description and analysis of the results of opinion polls, which were done at the Nicolaus Copernicus University among the stationary and extramural students of various faculties and various levels of education (112 students were examined). The research group was selected on purpose for the needs of the Seminar devoted to the issue: The Nicolaus Copernicus University in the Bologna Process which took place on 12th May 2008. The aim of such choice was to compare the obtained results referring to the state of consciousness of the students concerning the Bologna Process and its assumptions with the results of research which had been obtained earlier and which were performed at selected universities of Bydgoszcz in 2006. The results allow to state that most of the examined students know very little about the Bologna Process and its assumptions and as they do not possess the required knowledge, they cannot be conscious participants of this Process. The consciousness of implementation of these assumptions is at low level, which is a consequence of unsatisfactory level of knowledge. The presented diagnosis is worrying and suggests implementation of the activities which will change this situation. ; Projekt Operacyjny Polska Cyfrowa POPC.02.03.01-00-0039/18

Participation of Poland in European Union structures force to activities aimed at increasing the share of renewable energy source (RES) in Polish energy balance according to idea of sustainable development. It is anticipated, that environmental friendly companies will forcefully expand in the near future, as a result of ecological awareness growth and law regulations connected with environmental requirements. RES are the alternative for traditional energy sources and using them not only does not exhaust limited fossil fuel sources but also reduces emission to environment. One of the renewable energy source is energy obtained from landfill biogas. This article presents environmental and economic aspects of landfill biogas usage. The author goal is not only purposefulness evaluation of landfill biogas usage but also indication of so far less known and recognized elements of economical efficiency investment calculus in that field (in accordance with the generally accepted methodology).

In the article the author gives some arguments that the source of the biggest intelligence threat to the European Union and NATO, especially for Poland, is the special service of the Russian Federation. These services hold the agent activities in the area of Poland, which are focused on recognizing of the Polish Army, its modernization and adjustment to the NATO's standards. In this situation the best access to the essential information can be delivered by the agency in the arm environment or in its surroundings. The special interest can be focuses on the economic subjects busing with special trade because of their economical and defensive nature. Surely there are issues connected with plans of the elements of the rocket defence sitting in Poland, which are very interesting for Russian secret services. Therefore some agents can be located among the stuff inspecting the building site and the function of this system.

Differences between countries are the immanent feature of social growth but these days that situation had been complicated by globalization. The benefits of globalization are not so obvious because the new opportunities like: faster growth, higher living standards, promotion of democratic values aren't equally distributed and the global market is not yet underpinned by rules based on shared social objectives. That realities cause serious consequences for safety and peace in world. Those issues are the main challenge for international community. They determinate live standard of people and future of our planet. For that reasons author analyse what United Nations are making to find a solution to that problems and where are both - the main difficulties and weaknesses of international act system. Only that kind of Organizations have a legitimation to create an international forum which is necessary to find a solution for international issue. That is why autor is indicated those problems of inequality as a priority over national interests.

The year 1989 was both in Poland and in many other European countries, which were in the sphere of the Soviet influences, the beginning of revolutionary changes: political, economie, social and cultural ones. They also influenced the Polish language of politics which has changed radically for the last 20 years. An important reason for a variety of styles and registers is the instability of the Polish political scene, the abundance of political parties, constantly forming new parliamentary groups and government coalitions, and the disappearance of the others. In the language of the contemporary politics the lexis is particularly extensive and includes thousands of words referring to the public life of the Poles. The major point of the article is the claim that the language of contemporary politics is getting poorer, loses its elegance and becomes more and more primitive. The author sees the reasons for this pauperization in the trends of contemporary culture. He shows the main features of the phenomenon: a turn towards commonness and informality, an emotionality of expressions, a hermetic vision of the world, an impossibility of a dialogue and an increase in populist attitudes.

Canada took part in creating United Nations Organization and actively participated in many UN specialized organizations. It was also the co-author of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Contributed in negotiations in the matter of the prohibition of continuing the experiences with the nuclear weapon, supported Treaty Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems. Canada acted as a leader of the British Commonwealth, the allied of United States, moderator in the Atlantic Alliance, mediator in solving international conflicts. Canada was involved as the economic power in solving global problems, and also offered help for undeveloped states. Beginning from the end of years 60. the politics of Canadian governments brought to the reduction of defense expenses, and in the result brought some problems with the Canadian identity. The Canada balances among the necessity of the co-operation with United States and the protections of own independence. New defense strategy introduced in 2008, Canada First. Defense Strategy, created possibilities of change in the defense policy. New strategy give possibility of the armed forces strengthening and the strengthening of the international position of the Canada, however these introduced changes are meeting some difficulty after years of negligence s.

The paper analyzes the impact of the Nord Stream pipeline construction on Polish-German relations from 2005 to 2009. The author notes that the difficulties in reaching a consensus were further increased by the different attitudes of both Governments to this investment as well as to the cooperation with Russia. From the beginning, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder was an advocate of the pipeline construction and a great promoter of German-Russian friendship, an attitude to a somewhat lesser degree also continued by his successor – Angela Merkel. Polish President Lech Kaczyński was consistently against the pipeline, supported by subsequent Prime Ministers of Poland. The Polish side was also against the tightened relations between Germany and the European Union and Russia that were supposed to ensure energy security. German visits and words of assurance, that were so numerous in the period 2004–2009, were intended to appease Warsaw but they did not mark a change of policy. Although the German government was trying to persuade Poland to support the project, Poland was consistent in its refusal to take part in it. Poland's persistent standpoint has not changed the German attitude in this matter, while the exteremely different approaches of both governments have adversely affected Polish-German relations. It was only after the Polish side ceased its continuous criticism of the pipeline project in late 2008 that a clear détente was apparent.

Prezentowany tekst dotyczy zagadnień metodologicznych związanych z pracą doktorską pt. Wpływ członkostwa Polski i Szwecji w Unii Europejskiej na charakter i rozwój ich wzajemnych stosunków. Zaprezentowano następujące zagadnienia: tezę rozprawy i pytania badawcze, metody badawcze, strukturę i treść pracy, źródła i stan badań, wyniki badań oraz prognozę. ; The first part of the paper aims to justify the selection of this particular subject as a research area and consequently, a doctoral thesis: The impact of Polish and Swedish EU membership on the nature of the relationship between the two states. The key argument the thesis puts forward is that by joining the EU the two countries tightened their relationship. In the second part, the paper presents the research methods – empirical observation, consisting of the study documents, official publications, the media, inteviews and statistical data and the method of statistical measurement, as well as methods applied in theoretical studies. The author highlights the status of research on this subject and supplies information on the sources used in her work: primary sources, Polish language and foreign books and academic periodicals, web pages of Polish and Swedish government institutions and international organizations. The last part provides the findings of her research and final conclusions coupled with a forecast on the development of Polish-Swedish relations. ; Małgorzata Mizerska-Wrotkowska

'Prescriptive Nature of Th e Code of the Sworn Translator', proclaimed in the 2005 Resolution of the Supreme Board of the Polish Society of Sworn and Specialised Translators 'TEPIS', is described in this article as seen from the perspective of the international and Polish laws and the practice of contemporary translation studies. As recommended by the "Grotius" and the "AGIS" projects, the Code has been prepared in cooperation with representatives of the Minister of Justice. Hence, it constitutes an authoritative reference for the 2004 legislative Act on the profession of the sworn translator.A comparison of the status of the newly established profession of the sworn translator and those of the advocate and the notary in Poland gives the author the grounds to claim that Th e Code of the Sworn Translator constitutes a truly independent and authoritative source of rules of professional ethics and practice. Such status is a natural consequence of its being developed in compliance both with the Polish law and the legislative customs enabling the professional environment to decide about its ethics and good practice itself, based on the long traditions of professional organizations in Poland. ; Wieloletnie starania polskich tłumaczy przysięgłych doprowadziły po raz pierwszy w dziejach tego zawodu do ich skutecznej współpracy z przedstawicielami Ministra Sprawiedliwości. Owocem wspólnych działań było opracowanie zbioru zasad etyki i praktyki zawodowej pt. Kodeks tłumacza przysięgłego. W artykule omówiono przesłanki zawarte w konwencjach międzynarodowych i przepisach prawa polskiego do tworzenia i stosowania takich ujednoliconych zasad wykonywania zawodu oraz genezę, strukturę, treść i preskryptywny charakter Kodeksu.

'Prescriptive Nature of Th e Code of the Sworn Translator', proclaimed in the 2005 Resolution of the Supreme Board of the Polish Society of Sworn and Specialised Translators 'TEPIS', is described in this article as seen from the perspective of the international and Polish laws and the practice of contemporary translation studies. As recommended by the "Grotius" and the "AGIS" projects, the Code has been prepared in cooperation with representatives of the Minister of Justice. Hence, it constitutes an authoritative reference for the 2004 legislative Act on the profession of the sworn translator.A comparison of the status of the newly established profession of the sworn translator and those of the advocate and the notary in Poland gives the author the grounds to claim that Th e Code of the Sworn Translator constitutes a truly independent and authoritative source of rules of professional ethics and practice. Such status is a natural consequence of its being developed in compliance both with the Polish law and the legislative customs enabling the professional environment to decide about its ethics and good practice itself, based on the long traditions of professional organizations in Poland. ; Wieloletnie starania polskich tłumaczy przysięgłych doprowadziły po raz pierwszy w dziejach tego zawodu do ich skutecznej współpracy z przedstawicielami Ministra Sprawiedliwości. Owocem wspólnych działań było opracowanie zbioru zasad etyki i praktyki zawodowej pt. Kodeks tłumacza przysięgłego. W artykule omówiono przesłanki zawarte w konwencjach międzynarodowych i przepisach prawa polskiego do tworzenia i stosowania takich ujednoliconych zasad wykonywania zawodu oraz genezę, strukturę, treść i preskryptywny charakter Kodeksu.

Jakub of Szadek is one of the many people from this small town (now in Central Poland), who in XV century came to Cracow to study, and played a significant role in the life of both the Jagiellonian University and the country. He is chiefly known for his diplomatic activity – being an eminent lawyer, he took part in many diplomatic missions during the 13-year war with the Teutonic Knights. He had a major part in the preparation of foundations for the signing of the peace treaty in Toru in 1466. In the years 1474–1476 he performed the function of Rector of Cracow Academy, contributing greatly to the extension of Collegium Minor. In 1476 he was appointed to the high position of vicar general in Cracow diocese. Jakub of Szadek is the co-author of a new approach to the theory of the rights of nations, and human rights, with reference to natural rights, the Gospel and the teachings of Popes and oecumenical councils. He is also one of Polish creators of international law, whose intensive development falls in Poland on XV century. In addition, he deserves the credit for invoking the nationality principle in international negotiations (the principle acknowledging the fact that particular regions are inhabited by people of Polish origin and speaking Polish language, who gave Polish names to cities, mountains, rivers and settlements). At least two texts of his speeches has been preserved until today thanks to J. Długosz, who was his friend. Jakub of Szadek died in 1487.

The author of the article deals with the issue of corruption in the Republic of Poland between the 17th and 18th centuries. He starts with a definition of the notion of corruption and the spheres of life it covered. Subsequently, he makes an attempt to counteract corruption aiming at eliminating it from a social and political life. Despite all these attempts, it turned out to be impossible to eliminate corruption so tightly connected especially with a political life of the Polish-Lithuanian country. The issues of committed abuses during the parliamentary session and actions taken by the city, the representatives of which used corruption to realize their postulates in the Parliament are described. It also presents the examples of corrupting the rulers of the Republic of Poland, as well as its closest co-workers. One should notice that both the kings and the court used the same methods in their realization of political conceptions. Corruption actions taken by the foreign governments aiming at paralysing the Polish-Lithuanian politics and weakening the position of the country were regarded as especially dangerous for the Republic of Poland. The actions of corrupting the clerks making the foreign diplomats know many secrets of the Republic of Poland were alarming. The dissolution of the Parliament, paid by the foreign governments aiming at a political and military weakening of the Republic of Poland, and, thus, making it impossible to conduct the reform of the country had a tragic influence on the political history. Finally, the article also presents the issue of a political corruption functioning in during the interregnum when the associates in the battle for the Polish crown were being recruited by means of money.