Przedmiotem artykułu jest kwestia zarysu systemu konstytucyjnego Afganistanu w okresie funkcjonowania konstytucji z 2004 roku. Autor podejmuje się próby oceny, na ile rozwiązania przyjęte przez ustrojodawcę wypływały z tradycji konstytucjonalizmu afgańskiego, a na ile stanowiły rezultat wpływu konstytucjonalizmu zachodniego.
VETO IN THE SWISS AND LIECHTENSTEIN SYSTEMS AS A CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT OF A SOVEREIGN The article is devoted to the place of the sovereign's veto in the constitutional systems of Switzerland and Liechtenstein in relation to the position of each within the system. Due to the very unique constitutional structure of Switzerland (a special role of the parliament, a wide catalog and high frequency of using direct democracy tools) and Liechtenstein (sovereign defined in two entities – the prince and the nation; the exceptionally strong position of the head of state, who has the right to veto both laws adopted by the parliament and motions in referendums), attempts were made to analyze the political position of sovereigns in both countries, relying solely on the right to block legal acts adopted by the parliament (refusal to sign the law by the prince in Liechtenstein and people's veto in both countries).
The subject of the article is the issue of using the institutions of direct democracy in the process of shaping the directions of a very specific element of foreign policy – relations with the European Union, of which San Marino is not a member. While most of the referenda related to the European Union concern the accession of countries to this organization, the vote in 2013 was of a slightly different nature. Therefore, the author attempts to indicate how the use of the instruments of direct democracy by citizens, in a way in opposition to the institution of indirect democracy (parliament and its dependent government), can contribute to the decision-makers making political decisions desired by citizens, even in seemingly rather unusual (apart from the aforementioned accession referenda) for direct democracy, spheres as the directions of foreign policy.
The subject of the article is the issue of using the institutions of direct democracy in the process of shaping the directions of a very specific element of foreign policy – relations with the European Union, of which San Marino is not a member. While most of the referenda related to the European Union concern the accession of countries to this organization, the vote in 2013 was of a slightly different nature. Therefore, the author attempts to indicate how the use of the instruments of direct democracy by citizens, in a way in opposition to the institution of indirect democracy (parliament and its dependent government), can contribute to the decision-makers making political decisions desired by citizens, even in seemingly rather unusual (apart from the aforementioned accession referenda) for direct democracy, spheres as the directions of foreign policy. ; Przedmiotem artykułu jest kwestia wykorzystania instytucji demokracji bezpośredniej w procesie kształtowania kierunków bardzo konkretnego elementu polityki zagranicznej – relacji z Unią Europejską, którego San Marino nie jest członkiem. O ile większość referendów związanych z Unią Europejską dotyczy akcesji państw do tej organizacji, to głosowanie z 2013 roku miało nieco inny charakter. Dlatego autor podejmuje się próby wskazania w jaki sposób wykorzystanie przez obywateli instrumentów demokracji bezpośredniej stojących niejako w kontrze do instytucji demokracji pośredniej (parlamentu i zależnego od niego rządu) może przyczynić się do podejmowania przez decydentów pożądanych przez obywateli decyzji politycznych nawet w tak z pozoru raczej nietypowych (poza wspomnianymi referendami akcesyjnymi) dla demokracji bezpośredniej sferach jak kierunki polityki zagranicznej.
The subject of the article is the issue of using the institutions of direct democracy in the process of shaping the directions of a very specific element of foreign policy – relations with the European Union, of which San Marino is not a member. While most of the referenda related to the European Union concern the accession of countries to this organization, the vote in 2013 was of a slightly different nature. Therefore, the author attempts to indicate how the use of the instruments of direct democracy by citizens, in a way in opposition to the institution of indirect democracy (parliament and its dependent government), can contribute to the decision-makers making political decisions desired by citizens, even in seemingly rather unusual (apart from the aforementioned accession referenda) for direct democracy, spheres as the directions of foreign policy. ; Przedmiotem artykułu jest kwestia wykorzystania instytucji demokracji bezpośredniej w procesie kształtowania kierunków bardzo konkretnego elementu polityki zagranicznej – relacji z Unią Europejską, którego San Marino nie jest członkiem. O ile większość referendów związanych z Unią Europejską dotyczy akcesji państw do tej organizacji, to głosowanie z 2013 roku miało nieco inny charakter. Dlatego autor podejmuje się próby wskazania w jaki sposób wykorzystanie przez obywateli instrumentów demokracji bezpośredniej stojących niejako w kontrze do instytucji demokracji pośredniej (parlamentu i zależnego od niego rządu) może przyczynić się do podejmowania przez decydentów pożądanych przez obywateli decyzji politycznych nawet w tak z pozoru raczej nietypowych (poza wspomnianymi referendami akcesyjnymi) dla demokracji bezpośredniej sferach jak kierunki polityki zagranicznej.
Andorra is one of the youngest European democracies. For many centuries it was a non-sovereign and undemocratic entity with a complicated international status. The subject of this article is the constitutional position of the speaker of the Andorran parliament – the General Syndic of the General Council. The author tries to analyse how position of the Syndic changed after the adoption of the 1993 constitution and what position in the system of state organs is now occupied by the parliament's Speaker.
In 2003 citizens of Liechtenstein adopted a package of amendments to the Constitution which allowed for a substantial strengthening of the monarch's power. These changes have since been severely criticized by the Council of Europe, with concerns as to the possible retreat from a constitutional monarchy leading to the possible renaissance of absolute monarchy. This question is answered in this article, which further proves that the concerns raised by the Council of Europe are unjustified.
The problem of Senate as a self-government chamber and self-government person – parliament deputy relations were shown in the political history of the Polish Third Republic many times. In 2001, when self-government laws were introduced into the political system of self-government, there was an institution of incompatibilitas (incompatibility of self-governmental and parliamentarian seats). It influenced the subsequent public debate about the role of Senate and the emerging plans to transform it into a self-government chamber.
The political system of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland is of interest to researchers for several reasons. One of the most important motivations certainly involves the unique construction of its Constitution, the content of which is not formulated in a single legal act of a supreme status. This unwritten Constitution encompasses at least four parts. The most important part is undoubtedly constituted by one of three principles of the political system, namely the principle of the sovereignty (omnipotence) of parliament. This principle, which is regarded as a constitutional principle by some and as a principle above the Constitution by others, constitutes the core of British constitutional law. The topic of this paper is an attempt to indicate the boundaries of this principle in the British constitutional order and to place it in relation to remaining principles. The boundaries of this principle have been considered by British constitutionalists on numerous occasions. Considerations on the relation of this principle to the remaining elements of the Constitution have been the subject of interest for courts of law, including the House of Lords, which used to function as the court of last instance in judicial proceedings prior to the 2005 reform. It is worth emphasizing that even the lords/judges frequently disagreed on the boundaries of the principle and even on whether the principle can be examined by any court. There were also views that the principle is only a virtual construct, and even if it had ever applied to the political system at all, it can no longer be referred to, given contemporary European integration processes. The complicated combination of elements of the British constitution with the presence of the United Kingdom in the structures of the European Council and European Union (preceded by the European Community) have produced a number of interpretations of the principle of the omnipotence of the parliament in the new political reality the UK has found itself in. It was the adoption of the European Communities Act 1972, followed several decades later by the adoption of the European Union Act 2011 that led to the discussion on the construction of the British Constitution and either the approval or rejection of the concept that the Constitution of the United Kingdom with its meta-principle should be interpreted anew.
Przedmiotem artykułu jest próba analizy funkcjonowania systemu politycznego mikropaństwa i monarchii w warunkach współczesnych procesów integracyjnych i globalizacyjnych, z którymi mamy do czynienia w Europie. Autor podejmuje próbę zanalizowania funkcjonowania państwa opierając się na wywiadzie z głównym aktorem politycznym Księstwa – księciem Alojzym, który od 2004 roku, na mocy art. 13bis Konstytucji Księstwa, wypełnia obowiązki głowy państwa. Autor stara się też zwrócić uwagę na specyficzne cechy systemu politycznego tego państwa. ; The p is an attempt to analyse the functioning of the political system of monarchy and microstate in the conditions of modern processes of integration and globalisation with which we are dealing in Europe. The author attempts to analyse the functioning of the state based on an interview with the main political actor of the Duchy - HSH Alois, who since 2004, under Article 13 bis of the Constitution of the Principality, fulfils the duties of head of state. The author is also tries to draw attention to the specific features of the political system of Liechtenstein.
The p is an attempt to analyse the functioning of the political system of monarchy and microstate in the conditions of modern processes of integration and globalisation with which we are dealing in Europe. The author attempts to analyse the functioning of the state based on an interview with the main political actor of the Duchy – HSH Alois, who since 2004, under Article 13 bis of the Constitution of the Principality, fulfils the duties of head of state. The author is also tries to draw attention to the specific features of the political system of Liechtenstein. ; Przedmiotem artykułu jest próba analizy funkcjonowania systemu politycznego mikropaństwa i monarchii w warunkach współczesnych procesów integracyjnych i globalizacyjnych, z którymi mamy do czynienia w Europie. Autor podejmuje próbę zanalizowania funkcjonowania państwa, opierając się na wywiadzie z głównym aktorem politycznym Księstwa – księciem Alojzym, który od 2004 roku, na mocy art. 13bis Konstytucji Księstwa, wypełnia obowiązki głowy państwa. Autor stara się też zwrócić uwagę na specyficzne cechy systemu politycznego tego państwa.
