Suchergebnisse

The article shows the essence and social significance of Polish artexhibitions, held in spring 1915 in Kiev. With the beginning of World War I,extensive destruction, human losses, a large number of refugees from the Kingdom of Poland and Galicia, the number of Poles in Ukrainian cities increased. Social and cultural life of the Polish community became busy and active. Community-based organizations in professional, charitable, cultural and educational spheres emerged. The initiators and organizers of the Exhibition of ancient artworks were the leaders of indirect income section of Kiev society for war victims. The aim was to support Poles, who got poor because of the war. They involved their own and other's privatecollections and collected artworks. The main goal of the exhibitions was to spread Polish culture, remind to Poles about Polish high spirit, deep patriotism, preservation and continuity of national cultural traditions. Exhibitions had sufficient information support, good reflection in the Polish press and publicity. Famous Polish scientists, public figures and journalists contributed to this activity. Dr. of history Marcel Nalyech-Dobrovolsky wrote eight articles for Polish press. These articles presented the exhibits, their authors, and showed the history of Polish art.Another important task was fulfilled during a demonstration of exhibitions.It was financial support through the collected funds given to those Poles, who lost their livelihoods because of military operations on the territory of the Kingdom of Poland and became refugees. This all was a manifestation of mercy towards a neighbor, who got in a trouble, a demonstration of unity of the whole society during hard times, joining all forces of community for struggling against common war years and revival of national and state life. ; W artykule przedstawiono istotę i znaczenie społeczne wystaw sztukipolskiej, który odbyły się wiosną 1915 w Kijowie. Inicjatorami i organizatorami wystawy dzieł sztuki starożytnej były kierowniki i działaczy sekcji dochodów Kijowskiego Towarzystwa pomocy Polakom ofiarom wojny. Kierownictwo sekcji posiadało prywatnymi kolekcjami dzieł sztuki. Kolekcji zostały przekazane dla wystaw. Celem wystaw było szerzenie kultury polskiej, przypomnienie Polakom o polskim wysokim duchu patriotyzmu, zachowaniu i ciągłości narodowych tradycji kulturowych. Znani polscy naukowcy, działacze społeczni i dziennikarze wyczerpująco przedstawili w prasie wystawy. Ten wystawy miały szeroki oddźwiękpubliczny. Ważnym elementem wystawy była pomoc finansowa Polaków dla ofiar wojny, wykazanie miłosierdzia bliźnim, zjednoczenie społeczeństwa w przezwyciężaniu trudnych lat wojny i odrodzenie życia narodowego i państwowego. ; У статті показано сутність і суспільну значимість проведених навесні 1915 р. польських мистецьких виставок у Києві. Ініціаторами і організаторами Виставки творів давнього мистецтва виступило Київське товариство допомоги постраждалим внаслідок війни полякам. Вони надали власні і залучили інші приватні зібрання творів мистецтва. Завданням виставок було поширення польської культури, піднесення польського духу, патріотизму, збереження і спадкоємність національних культурних традицій. Відомі польські науковці, громадські діячі і публіцисти всебічно представляли у пресі виставки, які мали широкий суспільний резонанс. Важливою функцією виставок стала матеріальна підтримка поляків, жертв війни, виявлення милосердя до ближнього, об'єднання суспільства для подолання воєнного лихоліття і відродження національного і державного життя.

The notion of Kresy Wschodnie till nowadays remains one of the most arguable matter and is not clearly determined among historians and politicians, that's why has a reflection in present and influences public and political life in modern countries.In the article the meaning of this territory is analised as well as its perception in collective conscience, use of Kresy Wschodnie in political plans by Polish parties, also in Polish public and political opinion in times of World War I and at the beginning of formation of independent Poland.Polish socio- political opinion during the World War I and at the beginning of formation of independent Poland, namely Second Polish Republic, reflected main views, concepts, plans of Polish parties and had practical value for determination of Polish borders.Kresy Wschodnie was considered by Poles as ancient Poland and according to them this native land was full of strong-willed, talented people, who glorified Poland. The Poles who lived on eastern lands and belonged to Russia after the division of Poland kept trying to restore the Polish state system. November and January uprisings in XIX century, intense work and formed political parties implied to join these lands to the future state of Poland.World War I gave hope to Poles for gaining autonomy and independence. Authority appeals to the Polish nation in Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary were referred to Poles to support ruling establishment. Different foreign policy: pro-Russia and pro-Austria- Hungary; different ideological attitudes and directions did not stop Polish political forces from joining for creating their own state after Germany and Austria-Hungary made a Declaration of Independence for Kingdom of Poland in November 5, 1916, as well as Russian Provisional Government Appeal of acknowledgement of independent united Poland in March 1917.The appearence of independent Poland after World War I forced topical issues to be solved: to define eastern borders, status of Kresy Wschodnie, political attitude towards people on these lands. This matter had two main directions. Endecja was pro-Russia and considered Russia to be an ally in future war with Germany. The National Democracy programme meant restoration of Polish lands from 1772. This included western Ukrainian lands (Kiev region, Volyn, Podil, Galicia), some part of Lithuania and Belarus. However, proclamation of new rules of international life by American President Woodrow Wilson, which were supported by Entente countries, the policy of Left governments put conditions that Endecja agreed to the part of eastern territory defined by Treaty of Riga. The policy of land incorporation was aimed at making a country nationally similar and could become an ally to Russia. This explains why Endecja did not suggest maximum territorial programmer at the east and could compromise with Russia. Lots of scientists a political figure explained such position for negotiation at international level.According to Lefts forces regarding Kresy Wschodnie, namely Polish Socialist Party, and thier leader J. Pilsudski, Ukrainians, Belarusians and Lithuanians could form their own independent states, which would become a buffer between Poland and Russia. This would make an utmost interest of Poland. One more acceptable variant would work for Lefts if Poland created a federation with Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus. Although, in theory it implied work within political parties. In practice first Left government wanted to preserve Polish state interests and provide rights for national minorities on eastern lands. Right forces that came to rule in 1923, changed the policy according to their point of view. ; The notion of Kresy Wschodnie till nowadays remains one of the most arguable matter and is not clearly determined among historians and politicians, that's why has a reflection in present and influences public and political life in modern countries.In the article the meaning of this territory is analised as well as its perception in collective conscience, use of Kresy Wschodnie in political plans by Polish parties, also in Polish public and political opinion in times of World War I and at the beginning of formation of independent Poland.Polish socio- political opinion during the World War I and at the beginning of formation of independent Poland, namely Second Polish Republic, reflected main views, concepts, plans of Polish parties and had practical value for determination of Polish borders.Kresy Wschodnie was considered by Poles as ancient Poland and according to them this native land was full of strong-willed, talented people, who glorified Poland. The Poles who lived on eastern lands and belonged to Russia after the division of Poland kept trying to restore the Polish state system. November and January uprisings in XIX century, intense work and formed political parties implied to join these lands to the future state of Poland.World War I gave hope to Poles for gaining autonomy and independence. Authority appeals to the Polish nation in Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary were referred to Poles to support ruling establishment. Different foreign policy: pro-Russia and pro-Austria- Hungary; different ideological attitudes and directions did not stop Polish political forces from joining for creating their own state after Germany and Austria-Hungary made a Declaration of Independence for Kingdom of Poland in November 5, 1916, as well as Russian Provisional Government Appeal of acknowledgement of independent united Poland in March 1917.The appearence of independent Poland after World War I forced topical issues to be solved: to define eastern borders, status of Kresy Wschodnie, political attitude towards people on these lands. This matter had two main directions. Endecja was pro-Russia and considered Russia to be an ally in future war with Germany. The National Democracy programme meant restoration of Polish lands from 1772. This included western Ukrainian lands (Kiev region, Volyn, Podil, Galicia), some part of Lithuania and Belarus. However, proclamation of new rules of international life by American President Woodrow Wilson, which were supported by Entente countries, the policy of Left governments put conditions that Endecja agreed to the part of eastern territory defined by Treaty of Riga. The policy of land incorporation was aimed at making a country nationally similar and could become an ally to Russia. This explains why Endecja did not suggest maximum territorial programmer at the east and could compromise with Russia. Lots of scientists a political figure explained such position for negotiation at international level.According to Lefts forces regarding Kresy Wschodnie, namely Polish Socialist Party, and thier leader J. Pilsudski, Ukrainians, Belarusians and Lithuanians could form their own independent states, which would become a buffer between Poland and Russia. This would make an utmost interest of Poland. One more acceptable variant would work for Lefts if Poland created a federation with Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus. Although, in theory it implied work within political parties. In practice first Left government wanted to preserve Polish state interests and provide rights for national minorities on eastern lands. Right forces that came to rule in 1923, changed the policy according to their point of view.

The notion of Kresy Wschodnie till nowadays remains one of the most arguable matter and is not clearly determined among historians and politicians, that's why has a reflection in present and influences public and political life in modern countries.In the article the meaning of this territory is analised as well as its perception in collective conscience, use of Kresy Wschodnie in political plans by Polish parties, also in Polish public and political opinion in times of World War I and at the beginning of formation of independent Poland.Polish socio- political opinion during the World War I and at the beginning of formation of independent Poland, namely Second Polish Republic, reflected main views, concepts, plans of Polish parties and had practical value for determination of Polish borders.Kresy Wschodnie was considered by Poles as ancient Poland and according to them this native land was full of strong-willed, talented people, who glorified Poland. The Poles who lived on eastern lands and belonged to Russia after the division of Poland kept trying to restore the Polish state system. November and January uprisings in XIX century, intense work and formed political parties implied to join these lands to the future state of Poland.World War I gave hope to Poles for gaining autonomy and independence. Authority appeals to the Polish nation in Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary were referred to Poles to support ruling establishment. Different foreign policy: pro-Russia and pro-Austria- Hungary; different ideological attitudes and directions did not stop Polish political forces from joining for creating their own state after Germany and Austria-Hungary made a Declaration of Independence for Kingdom of Poland in November 5, 1916, as well as Russian Provisional Government Appeal of acknowledgement of independent united Poland in March 1917.The appearence of independent Poland after World War I forced topical issues to be solved: to define eastern borders, status of Kresy Wschodnie, political attitude towards people on these lands. This matter had two main directions. Endecja was pro-Russia and considered Russia to be an ally in future war with Germany. The National Democracy programme meant restoration of Polish lands from 1772. This included western Ukrainian lands (Kiev region, Volyn, Podil, Galicia), some part of Lithuania and Belarus. However, proclamation of new rules of international life by American President Woodrow Wilson, which were supported by Entente countries, the policy of Left governments put conditions that Endecja agreed to the part of eastern territory defined by Treaty of Riga. The policy of land incorporation was aimed at making a country nationally similar and could become an ally to Russia. This explains why Endecja did not suggest maximum territorial programmer at the east and could compromise with Russia. Lots of scientists a political figure explained such position for negotiation at international level.According to Lefts forces regarding Kresy Wschodnie, namely Polish Socialist Party, and thier leader J. Pilsudski, Ukrainians, Belarusians and Lithuanians could form their own independent states, which would become a buffer between Poland and Russia. This would make an utmost interest of Poland. One more acceptable variant would work for Lefts if Poland created a federation with Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus. Although, in theory it implied work within political parties. In practice first Left government wanted to preserve Polish state interests and provide rights for national minorities on eastern lands. Right forces that came to rule in 1923, changed the policy according to their point of view. ; The notion of Kresy Wschodnie till nowadays remains one of the most arguable matter and is not clearly determined among historians and politicians, that's why has a reflection in present and influences public and political life in modern countries.In the article the meaning of this territory is analised as well as its perception in collective conscience, use of Kresy Wschodnie in political plans by Polish parties, also in Polish public and political opinion in times of World War I and at the beginning of formation of independent Poland.Polish socio- political opinion during the World War I and at the beginning of formation of independent Poland, namely Second Polish Republic, reflected main views, concepts, plans of Polish parties and had practical value for determination of Polish borders.Kresy Wschodnie was considered by Poles as ancient Poland and according to them this native land was full of strong-willed, talented people, who glorified Poland. The Poles who lived on eastern lands and belonged to Russia after the division of Poland kept trying to restore the Polish state system. November and January uprisings in XIX century, intense work and formed political parties implied to join these lands to the future state of Poland.World War I gave hope to Poles for gaining autonomy and independence. Authority appeals to the Polish nation in Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary were referred to Poles to support ruling establishment. Different foreign policy: pro-Russia and pro-Austria- Hungary; different ideological attitudes and directions did not stop Polish political forces from joining for creating their own state after Germany and Austria-Hungary made a Declaration of Independence for Kingdom of Poland in November 5, 1916, as well as Russian Provisional Government Appeal of acknowledgement of independent united Poland in March 1917.The appearence of independent Poland after World War I forced topical issues to be solved: to define eastern borders, status of Kresy Wschodnie, political attitude towards people on these lands. This matter had two main directions. Endecja was pro-Russia and considered Russia to be an ally in future war with Germany. The National Democracy programme meant restoration of Polish lands from 1772. This included western Ukrainian lands (Kiev region, Volyn, Podil, Galicia), some part of Lithuania and Belarus. However, proclamation of new rules of international life by American President Woodrow Wilson, which were supported by Entente countries, the policy of Left governments put conditions that Endecja agreed to the part of eastern territory defined by Treaty of Riga. The policy of land incorporation was aimed at making a country nationally similar and could become an ally to Russia. This explains why Endecja did not suggest maximum territorial programmer at the east and could compromise with Russia. Lots of scientists a political figure explained such position for negotiation at international level.According to Lefts forces regarding Kresy Wschodnie, namely Polish Socialist Party, and thier leader J. Pilsudski, Ukrainians, Belarusians and Lithuanians could form their own independent states, which would become a buffer between Poland and Russia. This would make an utmost interest of Poland. One more acceptable variant would work for Lefts if Poland created a federation with Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus. Although, in theory it implied work within political parties. In practice first Left government wanted to preserve Polish state interests and provide rights for national minorities on eastern lands. Right forces that came to rule in 1923, changed the policy according to their point of view.

The article shows the circumstances of the formation of Polish public opinion in Ukraine concerning the positions of Polish parties in Galicia in solving the Polish issue. The predominance of the Russophile orientation and the struggle for autonomy, the rejection of Galician «activism» by the majority of Poles in Ukraine in the early years of the war changed with the course of the war on the need for the revival of an independent Polish state. From the categorical and opposing positions in the main issues of state life, Polish political forces in different parts of the divided Poland went to dialogue and find compromises. Polish political forces on the eve of the First World War set their main task of solving the Polish issue – the restoration of statehood. At the beginning of the war, the political forces in the territories divided between Austria, Russia and Prussia supported the governments of their countries. In Russia prevailed supporters of the Russophile direction, or «passivists», and their interests represented the party of National's Democrats. In Galicia was the camp of the «activists», which includes the majority of the Polish parties, which focused on the central countries - Austria-Hungary and Germany. Part of the Polish parties in Galicia and the Kingdom relied on the support of the European coalition countries. It was a group of "neutralists". An attempt to unite the two positions and develop a common Polish policy existed even before the war, but during the war, despite the creation of various central institutions, there was no single policy regarding the ways of the revival of the future Polish state, its structure and the necessity to organize the Polish army. These approaches were presented in the programs of Polish political parties, voiced by their leaders, political and public figures, and became the subject of discussion on the pages of the press, especially the Polish. Since the beginning of the war in the Kievan Polish press, the policy of Galician activists has been condemned, and this has been reflected in the recalls of Polish parties, newspaper articles. Polish society in Russia hoped to fulfill the promises of power to give the Poles autonomy on the basis of uniting all of Poland. With the war, the number of human victims, destruction and refugees increased, so in Polish society there was a reappraisal of Galician policy and the transition to a position of struggle for the independence of the Polish state. All Polish society finally confirmed the need for the struggle for Poland's independence after the proclamation of the central states of the independence of the Kingdom of Poland. ; У статті показано обставини формування польської суспільної думки в Україні щодо позицій польських партій на Галичині у розв'язанні польського питання. Переважання русофільської орієнтації і боротьби за автономію, несприйняття галицького «активізму» більшістю поляків в Україні в перші роки війни змінилося з ходом війни на необхідність відродження незалежної польської держави. З категоричних і протилежних позицій з головних питань державного життя польські політичні сили у різних частинах розділеної Польщі перейшли до діалогу і пошуку компромісів.

The article shows the circumstances of the formation of Polish public opinion in Ukraine concerning the positions of Polish parties in Galicia in solving the Polish issue. The predominance of the Russophile orientation and the struggle for autonomy, the rejection of Galician «activism» by the majority of Poles in Ukraine in the early years of the war changed with the course of the war on the need for the revival of an independent Polish state. From the categorical and opposing positions in the main issues of state life, Polish political forces in different parts of the divided Poland went to dialogue and find compromises. Polish political forces on the eve of the First World War set their main task of solving the Polish issue – the restoration of statehood. At the beginning of the war, the political forces in the territories divided between Austria, Russia and Prussia supported the governments of their countries. In Russia prevailed supporters of the Russophile direction, or «passivists», and their interests represented the party of National's Democrats. In Galicia was the camp of the «activists», which includes the majority of the Polish parties, which focused on the central countries - Austria-Hungary and Germany. Part of the Polish parties in Galicia and the Kingdom relied on the support of the European coalition countries. It was a group of "neutralists". An attempt to unite the two positions and develop a common Polish policy existed even before the war, but during the war, despite the creation of various central institutions, there was no single policy regarding the ways of the revival of the future Polish state, its structure and the necessity to organize the Polish army. These approaches were presented in the programs of Polish political parties, voiced by their leaders, political and public figures, and became the subject of discussion on the pages of the press, especially the Polish. Since the beginning of the war in the Kievan Polish press, the policy of Galician activists has been condemned, and this has been reflected in the recalls of Polish parties, newspaper articles. Polish society in Russia hoped to fulfill the promises of power to give the Poles autonomy on the basis of uniting all of Poland. With the war, the number of human victims, destruction and refugees increased, so in Polish society there was a reappraisal of Galician policy and the transition to a position of struggle for the independence of the Polish state. All Polish society finally confirmed the need for the struggle for Poland's independence after the proclamation of the central states of the independence of the Kingdom of Poland. ; У статті показано обставини формування польської суспільної думки в Україні щодо позицій польських партій на Галичині у розв'язанні польського питання. Переважання русофільської орієнтації і боротьби за автономію, несприйняття галицького «активізму» більшістю поляків в Україні в перші роки війни змінилося з ходом війни на необхідність відродження незалежної польської держави. З категоричних і протилежних позицій з головних питань державного життя польські політичні сили у різних частинах розділеної Польщі перейшли до діалогу і пошуку компромісів.

The article shows the essence and social significance of Polish artexhibitions, held in spring 1915 in Kiev. With the beginning of World War I,extensive destruction, human losses, a large number of refugees from the Kingdom of Poland and Galicia, the number of Poles in Ukrainian cities increased. Social and cultural life of the Polish community became busy and active. Community-based organizations in professional, charitable, cultural and educational spheres emerged. The initiators and organizers of the Exhibition of ancient artworks were the leaders of indirect income section of Kiev society for war victims. The aim was to support Poles, who got poor because of the war. They involved their own and other's privatecollections and collected artworks. The main goal of the exhibitions was to spread Polish culture, remind to Poles about Polish high spirit, deep patriotism, preservation and continuity of national cultural traditions. Exhibitions had sufficient information support, good reflection in the Polish press and publicity. Famous Polish scientists, public figures and journalists contributed to this activity. Dr. of history Marcel Nalyech-Dobrovolsky wrote eight articles for Polish press. These articles presented the exhibits, their authors, and showed the history of Polish art.Another important task was fulfilled during a demonstration of exhibitions.It was financial support through the collected funds given to those Poles, who lost their livelihoods because of military operations on the territory of the Kingdom of Poland and became refugees. This all was a manifestation of mercy towards a neighbor, who got in a trouble, a demonstration of unity of the whole society during hard times, joining all forces of community for struggling against common war years and revival of national and state life. ; W artykule przedstawiono istotę i znaczenie społeczne wystaw sztukipolskiej, który odbyły się wiosną 1915 w Kijowie. Inicjatorami i organizatorami wystawy dzieł sztuki starożytnej były kierowniki i działaczy sekcji dochodów Kijowskiego Towarzystwa pomocy Polakom ofiarom wojny. Kierownictwo sekcji posiadało prywatnymi kolekcjami dzieł sztuki. Kolekcji zostały przekazane dla wystaw. Celem wystaw było szerzenie kultury polskiej, przypomnienie Polakom o polskim wysokim duchu patriotyzmu, zachowaniu i ciągłości narodowych tradycji kulturowych. Znani polscy naukowcy, działacze społeczni i dziennikarze wyczerpująco przedstawili w prasie wystawy. Ten wystawy miały szeroki oddźwiękpubliczny. Ważnym elementem wystawy była pomoc finansowa Polaków dla ofiar wojny, wykazanie miłosierdzia bliźnim, zjednoczenie społeczeństwa w przezwyciężaniu trudnych lat wojny i odrodzenie życia narodowego i państwowego. ; У статті показано сутність і суспільну значимість проведенихнавесні 1915 р. польських мистецьких виставок у Києві. Ініціаторами і організаторами Виставки творів давнього мистецтва виступило Київське товариство допомоги постраждалим внаслідок війни полякам. Вони надали власні і залучили інші приватні зібрання творів мистецтва. Завданням виставок було поширення польської культури, піднесення польського духу, патріотизму, збереження і спадкоємність національних культурних традицій.Відомі польські науковці, громадські діячі і публіцисти всебічно представляли у пресі виставки, які мали широкий суспільний резонанс. Важливою функцією виставок стала матеріальна підтримка поляків, жертв війни, виявлення милосердя до ближнього, об'єднання суспільства для подолання воєнноголихоліття і відродження національного і державного життя.

The article deals with the question of social and political orientationof the Poles in Ukraine during the First World War. All countries includingthe Russian Empire experienced the raise of patriotic support of theirgovernments in the war. The so-called 'Polish problem', which emergedwhen Poland lost its independence, gained a special importance during thewar because of the need to bring Polish population on side of belligerentcountries.The solution to this 'Polish problem' divided its society into threecamps: 1) 'passivists', represented by Democratic Party headed by RomanDmowski, who supported Russia; 2) 'activists' – Polish socialists(revolutionary party) headed by Y. Pilsudski, who were cooperating with theAustrian government; 3) the Reds – left-wing Polish socialists, who came outagainst the war and stood for the socialist revolution.In the course of warfare belligerent countries were forced to offerPoles some projects concerning self government and independence havingno intentions to turn them into reality. Early in 1917 the President of theUSA Woodrow Wilson proposed new stipulations of world order, which alsoinvolved formation of independent Polish country after the end of the war.Bourgeois-democratic revolution in Russia changed the situation andgave a chance to its peoples including the Poles to determine their future. InMarch 1917 Poles established their own governing institution in Ukraine –Polish Executive Committee, which represented interests of the Polishnation. This body acknowledged the rights of Ukrainians concerning selfdetermination taking into consideration interests of Polish inhabitants.The events of 1917 divided Polish society in matters of internal andexternal policy into conservatives who supported Russian government, anddemocratic forces who aimed to solve specific problems of daily livingactivities, the development of Polish education and culture within thecountry and Ukraine in particular.The new stage in the development of Polish society in Ukraine beganwith the Bolshevik seizure of power in Russia in October 1917, Russian waragainst Ukrainian People's Republic (UPR), internal struggle of Ukrainiannational forces, the end of World War I and the establishment of a Polishstate. ; W artykule przedstawiono orientację polskich sił politycznych, ichstosunek do wojny w celu rozwiązania «kwestii polskiej» w pierwszej wojnieświatowej. Przyczyny i okoliczności, który zmieniły poglądy społeczeństwapolskiego w kwestii autonomii i państwowości Polski, aktywność społecznopolityczna Polaków w czasie wojny. ; У статті представлено суспільно-політичні орієнтації польськихполітичних сил в Україні, їх ставлення до війни, до вирішення«польського питання» у роки Першої світової війни. Показано причинита обставини зміни поглядів польської громади у питанні автономії тавідновлення державності Польщі, громадсько-політичну активністьполяків у роки війни.

Before and during the First World War, the Polish press was actively developing in the Russian Empire, particularly in the Ukrainian lands, where the largest number of Poles was. The press succeeded because of the evacuation of Poles from the Kingdom of Poland and Galicia; the increasing number of professional publishers and readers; the growing concern of the whole society to the "Polish matter" and the necessity to spread the programs, ideas and plans of the Polish political partiesand public associations. The Polish press during this crucial period became the guiding and unifying force for Poles, that formed their public opinion, brought up their patriotism and encouraged the desire for the restoration of independence. ; Przed i podczas Pierwszej wojny światowej, polska prasa rozwija się najbardziej aktywnie w Imperium Rosyjskim, szczególnie na ukraińskich ziemiach, gdzie była największa liczba Polaków. Przyczynami rozwoju polskiej prasy zostały: ewakuacjaPolaków z Królestwa Polskiego i Galicji, zwiększenie liczby profesjonalnych wydawców i czytelników, zainteresowanie całego społeczeństwa "Polską sprawą" i potrzeba rozpowshechnienia programu, pomysłów i planów polskich partii politycznych i organizacji społecznych. Polska prasa w tym kluczowym okresie została taką prowadzącą i jednoczącą siłą dla Polaków, która kszałtowała ich opinię publiczną, wychowywała im patriotyzm i chęć przywrócenia niepodległości. ; Напередодні і в роки Першої світової війни активно розвиваласяпольська преса в Російській імперії, зокрема в українських землях, де кількість поляків була найбільшою. Сприяли розвитку преси евакуація поляків із Королівства Польського і Галичини, збільшення кількості фахових видавців та читачів, загострення уваги всього суспільства до «польської справи» та необхідність поширення програм, ідей, планів польських політичних партій і громадських об'єднань. Польська преса у цей переломний період стала направляючою та об'єднуючою силою поляків, що формувала їх суспільну думку, виховувала у них патріотизм та прагнення до відновлення незалежності.

At the end of 1917, the main directions of the Polish social movement - conservative, nationalist, liberal-democratic and socialist - were presented in Ukraine. The ideological delineation of Polish political forces in Ukraine took place in the summer of 1917. The representatives of the liberal-democratic camp, the left-wing Socialists and the PPP-faction supported the policy of the Ukrainian Central Rada and became part of the Ukrainian government structures. The opposites in the basic ideological principles led to the exclusion from the participation of nationalist and conservative forces in the authorities. The Liberal Democrats campaigned for cooperation with the Ukrainian authorities and were represented in legislative and executive bodies of power. The leftist socialists, refusing to cooperate with the Ukrainian authorities after the Bolshevik coup, solidarized with the Bolsheviks on the basis of common class interests.The signing of the Brest peace led to the negative attitude of Polish political forces to it, through the condition of the accession of the Kholmshchyna and western Volhynia to Ukraine. The Conservatives and the nationalists protested, the Democrats and the PPP faction left the UCR, but continued to work in government structures to protect the interests of the Polish population. The coming to power of the conservative forces headed by Hetman P. Skoropadsky was supported by the Polish conservatives and the departure from the cooperation of the liberals. Provision of order in Ukraine with the help of German troops was positively perceived by the conservative circles - Polish landowners and bourgeoisie. The withdrawal of German troops from the Ukrainian lands after the defeat of Germany in the war, the armed struggle of the Russian Bolsheviks, the forces of the UNR and the army of Denikin ended with the establishment of the Bolshevik authorities in Ukraine, which resulted in the departure of most of the political and public figures. ; W artykule przedstawiono stanowisko polskich sił politycznych na Ukrainie wobec polityki i działań władz ukraińskich, pokazano swoją reakcję na niezależność UPR i podpisanie pokoju Brzeskiego. Przeciwne podstawowe zasady ideowe doprowadziły do oderwania udziału w rządzie sił nacjonalistycznych i konserwatywnych. Liberalno-demokratyczny obóz wezwał do współpracy z władzami ukraińskimi i został wprowadzony we władzach ustawodawczych i wykonawczych. PPS-lewica odmówiła od współpracy z władzami ukraińskimi po rewolucji bolszewickiej na podstawie wspólnych interesów klasowych z bolszewikami. Dojście do władzy sił konserwatywnych wodzą hetmana P. Skoropadskiego był wspierany przez polskich konserwatystów. Liberały w tej sytuacji odmówiłeś współpracować. ; У статті представлено позицію польських політичних сил в Україні по відношенню до політики та діяльності українських органів влади. Показано їх реакцію на проголошення незалежності УНР та підписання Брестського миру. Протилежність базових ідеологічних засад зумовила відстороненість від участі в органах влади націоналістичних і консервативних сил. Ліберально-демократичний табір виступив за співпрацю з українськими органами влади і був представлений в законодавчих та виконавчих органах влади. Ліві соціалісти, відмовившись від співпраці з українською владою, після більшовицького перевороту солідаризувалися з більшовиками на основі спільних класових інтересів. Прихід до влади консервативних сил на чолі з гетьманом П. Скоропадським знайшов підтримку в польських консерваторів і відхід від співпраці лібералів.

At the end of 1917, the main directions of the Polish social movement - conservative, nationalist, liberal-democratic and socialist - were presented in Ukraine. The ideological delineation of Polish political forces in Ukraine took place in the summer of 1917. The representatives of the liberal-democratic camp, the left-wing Socialists and the PPP-faction supported the policy of the Ukrainian Central Rada and became part of the Ukrainian government structures. The opposites in the basic ideological principles led to the exclusion from the participation of nationalist and conservative forces in the authorities. The Liberal Democrats campaigned for cooperation with the Ukrainian authorities and were represented in legislative and executive bodies of power. The leftist socialists, refusing to cooperate with the Ukrainian authorities after the Bolshevik coup, solidarized with the Bolsheviks on the basis of common class interests.The signing of the Brest peace led to the negative attitude of Polish political forces to it, through the condition of the accession of the Kholmshchyna and western Volhynia to Ukraine. The Conservatives and the nationalists protested, the Democrats and the PPP faction left the UCR, but continued to work in government structures to protect the interests of the Polish population. The coming to power of the conservative forces headed by Hetman P. Skoropadsky was supported by the Polish conservatives and the departure from the cooperation of the liberals. Provision of order in Ukraine with the help of German troops was positively perceived by the conservative circles - Polish landowners and bourgeoisie. The withdrawal of German troops from the Ukrainian lands after the defeat of Germany in the war, the armed struggle of the Russian Bolsheviks, the forces of the UNR and the army of Denikin ended with the establishment of the Bolshevik authorities in Ukraine, which resulted in the departure of most of the political and public figures. ; W artykule przedstawiono stanowisko polskich sił politycznych na Ukrainie wobec polityki i działań władz ukraińskich, pokazano swoją reakcję na niezależność UPR i podpisanie pokoju Brzeskiego. Przeciwne podstawowe zasady ideowe doprowadziły do oderwania udziału w rządzie sił nacjonalistycznych i konserwatywnych. Liberalno-demokratyczny obóz wezwał do współpracy z władzami ukraińskimi i został wprowadzony we władzach ustawodawczych i wykonawczych. PPS-lewica odmówiła od współpracy z władzami ukraińskimi po rewolucji bolszewickiej na podstawie wspólnych interesów klasowych z bolszewikami. Dojście do władzy sił konserwatywnych wodzą hetmana P. Skoropadskiego był wspierany przez polskich konserwatystów. Liberały w tej sytuacji odmówiłeś współpracować. ; У статті представлено позицію польських політичних сил в Україні по відношенню до політики та діяльності українських органів влади. Показано їх реакцію на проголошення незалежності УНР та підписання Брестського миру. Протилежність базових ідеологічних засад зумовила відстороненість від участі в органах влади націоналістичних і консервативних сил. Ліберально-демократичний табір виступив за співпрацю з українськими органами влади і був представлений в законодавчих та виконавчих органах влади. Ліві соціалісти, відмовившись від співпраці з українською владою, після більшовицького перевороту солідаризувалися з більшовиками на основі спільних класових інтересів. Прихід до влади консервативних сил на чолі з гетьманом П. Скоропадським знайшов підтримку в польських консерваторів і відхід від співпраці лібералів.

The article shows the rise of the social and political life of the Polish community of Zhytomyr after the Russian bourgeois revolution of 1917. Representatives of Polish intellectuals and elite circles of the city took part in the creation of new authorities. The Poles were headed by the Zhytomyr City Duma, the police, and the provincial representation of the Provisional Government. Previously formed public organizations and institutions have resumed their activities and new societies have emerged. Statutes and tasks of societies and organizations were discussed at the general meeting - the Chamber. The Polish community offered a national list in the elections of deputies of the city duma and received the third place. A provincial representation and a Polish city commissariat were established in Zhytomyr, which were subordinated to the Polish Executive Committee in Ukraine, representing a single Polish policy. At the 3rd Congress of Polish Organizations in Kyiv, a split occurred between representatives of the democratic and national trends of the social movement. The ideological delineation and institutionalization of various political trends in Polish political life did not prevent the implementation of joint national projects in the city. The Polish community created Polish schools, supported popular education, celebrated important historical dates and honored national heroes. ; W artykule przedstawiono powstanie życia społeczno-politycznego polaków Żytomierza po rewolucji burżuazyjnej 1917 roku w Rosji. Przedstawiciele polskiej inteligencji i środowisk elitnych brali czynny udział w tworzeniu nowych władz. Wśród liderów najważniejszych instytucji miasta – Radę Miasta Żytomierza, policji wojewódzkiej, urzędu Rządu Tymczasowego byli Polacy. W mieście wznowiły działalność wcześniej utworzone i powstały nowe organizacje społeczne i instytucje, które na walnych zgromadzeniach – Radach omawiały swoje prawa i cele. Ideologiczne rozgraniczenie i instytucjonalna się z różnych nurtów politycznych w polskim życiu politycznym nie przeszkodziło realizacji wspólnych projektów krajowych w mieście. ; У статті показано піднесення суспільно-політичного життя польської громади міста Житомира після російської буржуазної та української революцій 1917 р. Представники польської інтелігенції та елітних кіл взяли активну участь у створенні нових органів влади. Серед керівників основних інституцій міста поляки очолювали Житомирську міську думу, поліцію, губернське представництво Тимчасового уряду. У місті відновили свою діяльність раніше утворені й виникли нові громадські організації та інституції, статути і завдання яких обговорювались на загальних зборах – віче. Ідейне розмежування і інституційне оформлення різних політичних напрямків в польському політичному житті не завадило реалізації спільних національних проектів у місті.