Suchergebnisse

Статья посвящена осмыслению научного и аналитического наследия одного из наиболее ярких современных мыслителей А.С. Панарина, в творчестве которого особое место занимают проблемы, возникающие в процессе межцивилизационных взаимодействий в современном мире на фоне качественного изменения глобального политического климата. Предметом исследования стал и непростой жизненный путь Панарина, и особенности его творческого метода, которые позволили ему стать основателем успешно развивающейся российской научной школы и оригинального направления политической философии, а также характерный для его творчества четко прописанный и тщательно отрефлексированный цивилизационный подход. Акцентировано внимание на наиболее продуктивном этапе работы ученого, который пришелся на период начала формирования и институционализации в постсоветской России политических наук. Особое внимание уделено последним работам Панарина, в которых раскрывается природа глобальной стратегической нестабильности и специфика православной цивилизации. ; Modern philosophical discourse, particularly on the question of Russian civilization path, is usually treated from the standpoint of philosophical works formal affiliation to Liberalism, Marxism, or Conservatism (Neo-Conservatism, Eurasianism, and Nationalism). My article examines scientific and analytical heritage of Alexander S. Panarin, who remains one of the most outstanding modern thinkers. In Panarin's works, the problems arising in process of interaction between civilizations in the modern world against the backdrop of a qualitative change in the global political climate, take a special place. In the same time, his creative work directed against a specific anti-state and anti-Russian liberalism, is cannot be unambiguously attributed either to Conservatism or to Eurasianism, or to Marxism or to Nationalism. The subjects of my investigation are Panarin's challenging path of life and peculiarities of his constructive method, which let him become the founder of a successfully developing Russian scientific school and original movement of political philosophy, as well as his clear and deeply reflected approach being typical for his work. For these purposes, I used bio-bibliographical and analytical-reading approaches, as well as comparative method, by means of which I show some common grounds of Konstantin Leontyev's conception and Alexander Panarin's philosophical views. In my article, I write about Professor Panarin's scientific biography, his pedagogical gift and manner of working with students. He was open to discussion with any student, even a freshman, helping to overcome the intellectual servitude, to get rid of fear at the adoption of the philosophical approaches. I also show the reasons for which philosopher Panarin did not become one of 'Westerners'. First, he knew the value of 'Westerners' in the countries of non-West. Those 'Westerners' are not only controlled by the West, but also nothing less than are ashamed of national identity and they are afraid of being caught in the role of conductors of national interests of their countries. Secondly, Panarin too highly valued the achievements of Western culture and scientific thought, to merge with 'obsequious Westernism' that incites the worst forces in the West, and thus leads to the emergency dramatic discredit the West in the eyes of the majority in non-Western world In my article, I focused on the most productive stage of Panarin's work during the period when process of political science's formation and institutionalization had just started in post-Soviet Russia, and I pay special attention to the latest Panarin's works revealing the nature of global strategic instability and specificity of orthodox civilization. Having analyzed in detail Panarin's writings of the last five years of his life, I conclude Panarin was belong to rare cohort of people who are called systems analyst, because he could solve problems not amenable to set of run-in methods, but he was not part of the System of total unification; he was the opponent of such System and, from this point of view, he was a conservative.

Политическое планирование не сводится к подготовке и принятию управленческих решений в сфере публичной политики, обеспечивающих системный подход к достижению поставленных и согласованных целей, поскольку соответствующие процедуры имеют косвенное отношение к реальному решению проблем разного класса. Среди рутинного потока административной работы крайне сложно выделить решения, несущие в себе решимость повлиять на будущее, подчинив его определенному плану и тем интересам, которые не артикулированы, а чаще скрыты, но заложены в план. При этом заявленные цели, обеспечивающие консолидацию, зафиксированные в решении, не отражают конфликтующие интересы. Особое внимание уделено планированию в сфере отраслевой политики, где существенно возрастает наукоемкость решений, а также разделению функций и компетенций среди тех, кто участвует политическом планировании на разных его стадиях. ; The problem of political planning is one of the most important in the modern internal politics in the practice of decision-making in governance. This issue is particularly acute in Russia, where to the present day there is no tradition of mature political culture and strategic planning, like the European one. The subject of my study is specificity of the modern policy planning practice, namely the ratio of its open and backstage side, which I examine using social-philosophical approach. The political plan is not limited to the preparation and management decisions in the field of public policy, providing a systematic approach to the achievement and agreed goals, because the relevant procedures are indirectly related to the real address the problems of a different class. Among the stream of routine administrative work, it is extremely hard to identify solutions that carry the commitment to influence the future, subordinating it to a definite plan and those interests that are not articulated, and often hidden, but are incorporated in the plan. At the same time, the stated goals, providing consolidation, recorded in the decision did not reflect the conflicting interests. I pay special attention to planning in sectorial policy, which significantly increased research intensity decisions, as well as to the division of roles and competences among those who are involved in various political planning stages. Spatial planning in the EU is for me an example of the successful use of a scientific approach to domestic policy. So, I conclude it is acute important for Russia to implement this experience in governmental decision making. My general conclusion is as follows: even if it is necessary to prepare for new kind of war, as well as the looming environmental and social disasters or other hardships, and to mobilize the forces of survival can be found not only in the past, in the great tradition of national culture, but also in the future. Such source for strength is governmental strategy, i.e. clear ideas of the real long-term social goals and steps to achieve that are enshrined in state doctrine.

В статье обосновывается тезис о том, что для публичной политики характерен высокий уровень рисков, что делает ее одной из самых закрытых областей политической деятельности. Это относится и к сфере GR-коммуникаций. Среди факторов риска коррупция и лоббизм, который в Российской Федерации не имеет правового регулирования. Открытость публичной политики это такая же иллюзия, как и открытость коммуникаций власти и, например, крупного бизнеса. Эта иллюзия выполняет ряд важных функций расширяет социальную опору партий и государственных институтов, пробуждает гражданскую активность, но остается фактором риска. ; The article substantiates the idea that public policy is characterized by a high level of risk, which makes it one of the most closed areas of political activity. This also applies to the field of government relations. Among the risk factors corruption and lobbying, in which the Russian Federation has no legal regulation. Openness of public policy is the same illusion as the openness of governmental communications or large businesses. This illusion is caring a number of important functions extends the social support of parties and government institutions, awakens civil activity, but still remains as a risk.

В статье представлен авторский взгляд на военно-тактические, морально-этические и цивилизационные аспекты гражданской войны на Украине и реакции на нее со стороны СМИ, а также российского, украинского и мирового сообщества. Дан социально-философский и философско-антропологический анализ феноменов политической аналитики, блокады, «живого щита». ; Aggravation of the military and political situation in very center of Europe makes the analysis of the specific scientific and analytical work, the definition of the accessible and inaccessible for any type of political analysts, as well as re-evaluation of a number of established notions of security particularly topical issues of contemporarily. Objects of my research are (i) the materials of the tragic events in Ukraine (military coup crash Malaysian Boeing, causes and consequences of the military siege of the city of Novorossia, etc.), (ii) alternative approaches to the interpretation of these events, which are the public analytics suggest. In my article, I use the general philosophical research methods and the method of system analysis. I have shown each of them strives to offer the original version of the interpretation, but such analytical work are not intended to create a full picture of the events, their task is to reassure the reader (viewer). Thus the analyst turns into its opposite, into way to protect against knowledge. I conclude this kind of analytics itself is a new type of threat to public safety.

В статье дана оценка экономической, политической и гуманитарной катастрофы на Украине, которая назревала свыше двух десятилетий. Проанализирована реакция на эту катастрофу со стороны политического руководства России и Запада, а также механизмы возникновения и прихода к власти украинского нацизма. ; The events of spring 2014 in the South-East of Ukraine at once changed the geopolitical architectonics of past twenty-five years. This analytical article is an attempt to assess the expanded economic, political and humanitarian disaster in the Ukraine, which has been brewing for more than two decades. The subject of my geopolitical analysis is the reaction to this disaster by the political leadership of Russia and Western countries, as well as mechanisms of the origin and rise to power of Ukrainian Nazism considering its specificity, which is the narrow focus on ethnic Ukrainian regions split and russophobia. I identify the following major risk factors that led to the destruction of Ukrainian statehood: (i) remote control carried out without taking into account the Russian-Ukrainian history, (ii) corrupt comprador regime ("constitutional oligarchy"), (iii) a special cultural policy aimed at forced Ukrainization of Russian population (both Great and Little Russians). Achieving the main goal of this policy, which was to break cultural and political ties with Russia, was paid-up by the economic and cultural crisis, by civil war in Ukraine, by death of thousands of people, by cultivating ethnic strife, and by rising of social inequalities. Summing analyzed facts, I conclude 2014 is almost full analogue of the prewar period in 1941 for Russia and Europe (historical experience shows that Ukrainian Nazism is a more terrible phenomenon than German one). On this basis, I am considering some possible tactics and strategies of Russian supreme power.

Предметом данного исследования является становление мирового гражданского общества в условиях глобализации и его превращение в одного из ведущих акторов мировой политики. Этот процесс вызывает повышенный интерес со стороны политиков и традиционных «центров власти», теряющих монополию на принятие судьбоносных решений. В статье раскрываются противоречия между «наднациональными» и национальными институтами гражданского общества. Особое внимание обращено на уровень компетентности гражданского общества, а также на защиту институтов академической демократии и компетентность государственных структур. ; Feature of modernity are large expenses for scientific and analytical support for projects in the field of national and international policies. Also, we are seeing the increasing of the status of world's scientific and expert community as the most important link of the competent civil society and, at the same time, as an arbitrator in the resolution of political conflict. Transmutations of civil society into one of the leading actors of global politics cause an increased interest on the part of politicians and the traditional 'power centers' that are losing their monopoly on fateful decisions. The subject of my research is processes of becoming and transformations of a global civil society in the globalization context. The article reveals the contradictions between the 'supranational' and the national institutes of civil society. My research is a socio-philosophical and conceptual-discursive comparative analysis of political and academic democracy. In particular, I show academic democracy, for all its originality and visible 'undemocratic' character (insusceptibility to the challenges of time, lifelong academic degrees and titles, an abundance of intricate hierarchical barriers, gradations, rules and conventions, etc. etc.), has greater freedom than modern political democracy. Academic democracy unlike political one is not inclined to double standards, and only this democracy is truly international. In my article, I paid the special attention to the threats for academic democracy that comes from the neo-democratic political elite. I conclude there are three major threats to of academic democracy. First, the reason for falling of academic democracy is unrestricted right of major countries and corporations to freely 'buy brains' and products of scientific activity, as well as right to concentrate scientific ideas in the same hands, in some regions of the world, turning these ideas into a commodity and using imperfection of copyright in which factors of globalization not been factored the in proper degree. Secondly, psychological set on personal disinterestedness of scientist, on general accessibility of results of scientific work leads to the same result. This attitude is cultivated in the scientific community since time immemorial. So, implicit breach of this norm by applied scientists could explain the criticism that they are subjected (usually in delicate forms) from the 'pure' scholars. As a result, this norm strengthens the sensitivity of scientists to approval emanating from their own kind, and thereby enhances the effectiveness of internal control and professional autonomy. Third, a special risk for the future of whole civil society is the delegitimization of universities and institutes of higher education, which is now carried out intensively in the interests of further policy rationalization. For this purpose universities would be subordinated to the requirements of the formation of competence rather than ideals (as in his time Lyotard pointed out).

В статье представлен анализ феномена синхронизации особо значимых информационных событий. Среди них 400-летие окончания Смуты и основания Династии Романовых, 200-летие Отечественной войны и 100-летие Первой мировой войны, юбилейные даты Второй мировой войны и другие событийные ряды. В рамках темы выделено три вопроса. Первый: в чем заключена идея исторического синхронизма и как она связана со спецификой СМИ? Второй: как можно интерпретировать роковые события, изменившие ход истории? И третий вопрос: какие требования диктует исследователям так называемый «парад роковых событий», когда сама история приоткрывает их смысл? На основании проведенного анализа даются отдельные рекомендации для структур, включенных в процесс политического планирования. ; One can observe the phenomenon of "Great Jubilees" coincidences in the second decade of the new millennium. These Jubilees are not only cause increased public interest and are widely reported in the media, but also exert a significant influence on the political planning and forecasting. In my article, I have analyzed the phenomenon of synchronization of particularly important information events, such as 400th anniversary of the end of Troubles Time and the beginning of the Romanov Dynasty, 200th anniversary of the Patriotic War of 1812, 100th anniversary of the First World War, anniversaries of the Second World War and other event-series. Within the framework of research theme I have identified three questions, the answer to which I consider the most important in the study of historical synchronism: (i) What is the idea of historical synchronicity and how it related to the mass media specificity? (ii) How it is possible to interpret fateful events that changed the course of history? (iii) What are requirements dictated by 'parade of fateful events' to researchers when the story itself reveals the meaning of these events? In particular, I conclude about the events of the 20th century as about conscious destruction of the foundations of civilization "old world", the transformation of Europe and Russia in the cleared "building site" suitable for geopolitical projects realization. It was at this time the great empires (Austro-Hungarian, German, Russian and Ottoman) which were guarantors of stability over the previous centuries, sank into oblivion, and on their ruins, experiments on human beings and peoples since been replicated the most cynically in human history. Based on this analysis, I also have formulated some recommendations for the structures involved in policy planning process.

В статье исследуются причины, механизмы и последствия возникновения и смены мировоззренческих ориентиров в массовом сознании, а также раскрывается политический и социокультурный контекст этого многопланового процесса. Актуальность изучения мировоззренческих парадигм возрастает по мере расширения методов направленного манипулирования массовым сознанием и разрушения традиционных форм наследования и трансляции национальных культур. В статье особо отмечается, что в России процесс смены мировоззренческих парадигм проходил неоднократно, а ныне проходит особо болезненно, поскольку накладывается на ломку устоявшейся модели экономического, политического и социального устройства, самой основы народного уклада жизни и духовной преемственности поколений. В работе предлагается оригинальная методологическая стратегия изучения мировоззренческих парадигм с учетом специфики религиозного сознания и конфессионально-цивилизационных особенностей России, а также раскрывается потенциал мировоззренческих парадигм в процессе социализации. ; The article examines causes, mechanisms, and consequences of emergence and change of world outlook guidelines in the public mind and reveals political and sociocultural contexts of this complex process. The study of world view paradigm is becoming increasingly important with multiplication of methods of directed manipulation of mass conscience and destruction of traditional forms of continuity and translation of national cultures. In the article it is emphasised that Russia underwent the process of world view paradigm change many times, and such present process is especially painful due to its coincidence with the breakup of the established model of economic, political and social order, the very basis of national life and spiritual continuity ofgenerations. The paper offers an original methodological strategy for study of world view paradigms with an allowance for the specifics of religious consciousness and ethnical-confessional features of Russia. World view paradigms potential in the process of socialisation is also discussed.

Статья посвящена проблеме культурного и политического взаимодействия славянских стран в условиях стратегической нестабильности, а также теоретическим аспектам сценарного политического прогнозирования. Основные аспекты исследования процесс становления «славянского вектора» внешней политики России в историческом, социокультурном и геополитическом контекстах. Особое внимание уделяется тому факту, что в условиях глобализирующегося мира обретают конкурентоспособность проекты, которые еще недавно относились к разряду утопий, в том числе проекты славянской интеграции и реинтеграции. ; The article is dedicated to the problem of Slavic countries cultural and political interaction in the terms of strategic instability. The aspects of the political prediction are discussed. The process of the «Slav vector» formation in Russia's foreign policy in historical, social, cultural and geopolitical contexts is investigated. Special attention is paid to the Slavic integration projects.

В 2015 году исполнилось 75 лет со дня рождения выдающегося отечественного философа и политического мыслителя Александра Сергеевича Панарина (1940-2003), чья жизнь и деятельность были неразрывно связаны с Философским факультетом Московского университета. Ниже представлен краткий обзор тематического выпуска кафедры философии политики и права Философского факультета МГУ имени М.В. Ломоносова, посвященного научному наследию А.С. Панарина и его вкладу в развитие российской и мировой цивилизационной теории. ; The new thematic issue of Chair of Philosophy of Politics and Law of Philosophical Department of Lomonosov Moscow State University dedicates to the 75th anniversary of the Russian philosopher and political thinker Alexander S. Panarin (1940-2003), who is remains widely regarded as one of the most authoritative representatives of civilization theory in domestic science. The focus of authors' research attention are both theoretical and methodological aspects of the study of civilizations, and real world processes, in which collision of two major trends in world development takes place. These trends are aspiration to preservation of cultural identity that makes civilization polyphony, on the one hand, and the globalist trend, leveling the diversity of social and cultural forms, on the other hand. In our thematic issue we have included articles of scientists, who belong to different schools, but they are united by common research interests. The idea of this issue was precisely to show the diversity of approaches within the civilizational agenda, relating to the most debating points in the contemporary political and philosophical discourse. In this small article, I represent a brief outline of the structure and content of the thematic issue.

В статье рассмотрены первоочередные задачи развития Российского Севера, составляющие основу стратегического планирования и прогнозирования на федеральном и региональном уровнях. Сформулированы приоритеты социальной и экологической политики. Выделены основные требования к методологическим положениям определения общенациональной стратегии и северной политики. ; The article attributes the first hand enquiries of the development of the Russian north, which makes up the basis of strategic planning and forecasting on federal and regional levels. Formulated are the priorities of social and ecological politics. Defined are the main requirements towards the methods of defining the national strategies and the politics of the north.