Suchergebnisse

"This book introduces new non-Western perspectives on the Arab Uprisings, to decenter and decolonize International Relations and Middle Eastern Studies. Drawing on over 10 years of fieldwork, ethnography, and empirical research, it is one of the first books to evaluate the position of International Relations theorists towards the study of the Arab Uprisings. It relies on local IR scholarship from the region, which is rarely considered, and includes 250 interviews. It provides a critical account of why democratic revolutions have failed, how counterrevolutions and authoritarianism have fortified, and why revolutions will resurgence once again in this turbulent region"--

Abriß des libyschen Freiheitskampfes; Darstellung der Geschichte Libyens von der italienischen Eroberung 1911 bis zur Septemberrevolution 1969 unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des anti-kolonialen Widerstandes unter Führung 'Umar al-Mukhtars 1923-1932; zahlreiche Fotos der bedeutendsten libyschen Führer des Unabhängigkeitskampfes und de italienischen Generäle in Libyen; Chronologie zur Geschichte Libyens seit 643 n.Chr. bis 1973. (DÜI-Faa)

Beginning with the uprising in 2011 and until the reelection of President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi in 2018 for a second term, the Egyptian Orthodox Church has been an important player as the representative of the Coptic Christians in the country. This article examines the role of the Egyptian Orthodox Church since the establishment of the republic in 1952 and explores the historical events that sought to redefine the role of the Church in the political sphere. Unlike the previous studies focusing on Coptic Christians and their position in the sociopolitical contexts, this study tackles the political role of the Orthodox Church in its institutional capacity. The study concludes that the Egyptian Orthodox Church has turned into an important political player in the political sphere, and its political role increased substantially with the uprising. Its power is manifested in its support for the political transformations in 2013 and the backing the regime until today.

From the 1980s on Somalia was in the grip of a looming civil war and formal institutions were weak and corrupt, which affected livestock exports. Livestock exports from northern Somalia, now Somaliland, resumed in the early 1990s in the absence of formal institutions and by late 1990, they were back in full swing. Some have made assumptions about the performance of informal institutions in the economy by interpreting the increase in the number of livestock exports from the port of Berbera in the absence of formal institutions to be an indicator of a performing post-war export sector. This study employs an institutional approach, informed by in-depth interviews and personal histories across a wide array of actors in the livestock export trade. Informal institutions have provided governance in the livestock export trade in the absence of formal institutions. However, coordination problems and other crippling challenges that have confronted livestock export since 1991 attest to the fact that informal institutions cannot be a substitute for formal institutions in the complex international trade. Somaliland had reinstated some formal institutions by the mid-1990s. However, the role of these institutions in the international livestock export trade is very limited due to their political status. Meanwhile, in the domestic economy, the interaction between formal and informal institutions has restructured the post-1991 livestock export trade.

This summer, American academia will celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of Samuel Huntington's most controversial article, later book, on the post-Cold War era. "Clash of Civilizations?" was published for the first time in the summer issue of the semi-scholarly journal Foreign Affairs, and was considered the manifesto of US foreign policy after the fall of the Soviet Union. With his publication, Huntington established the foundation of what would become the dominant and unchallenged narrative discourse in world politics during the 1990s and 2000s, especially after the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. Huntington created the discourse of "Islam is the enemy" and "Islam is the new bogeyman," to use Stephen Walt's analogy. Now, twenty-five years after its publication, this article evaluates whether Huntington's assumption was correct. Does Islam really represent a global threat? And are Muslims the bogeymen of the twenty-first century? The answer, according to this article, is emphatically no!