Suchergebnisse

This conceptual paper draws on a diverse selection of primary and secondary sources highlighting recent trends in international and refugee university student enrollments, participation, and outcomes in Canadian universities. Several key issues emerged through the analysis. First, refugee students and children of refugees have amongst the lowest participation and graduation rates in Canadian universities, due largely to language and literacy barriers and their status as first-generation postsecondary students (i.e., students whose parents did not attend postsecondary education). Second, although almost 60% of domestic university students are now female, international and refugee student enrollments remain male dominated. These disparities indicate that broader structural and sociocultural issues that impact university participation for members of certain groups and communities remain factors in university participation and completion. Implications for policy and practice conclude the paper. ; Cet article se fonde sur une sélection diverse de sources primaires et secondaires pour décrire et contextualiser les tendances récentes quant aux inscriptions, à la participation et aux résultats des étudiants internationaux et réfugiés dans les universités canadiennes. Plusieurs problèmes clés émergent, tels que le fait que les étudiants réfugiés et les enfants de réfugiés présentent la participation et les taux d'obtention de diplômes les plus bas des universités canadiennes, ceci étant largement dû aux barrières de langue et de littératie ainsi qu'à leur statut d'étudiants universitaires de première génération (c'est-à-dire, des étudiants dont les parents n'ont pas étudié dans un établissement postsecondaire). De plus, bien que près de 60 % des étudiants du pays soient de sexe féminin, les étudiants internationaux et réfugiés inscrits restent majoritairement masculins. Ces disparités indiquent que des problèmes structurels et socioculturels plus vastes ayant un impact sur la participation universitaire pour les membres de certains groupes restent un facteur de participation et de résultats universitaires, et que ces disparités sont renforcées par les pratiques de recrutement et d'inscription des universités canadiennes. Cet article se conclut par les implications quant aux politiques et aux pratiques.

A regulatory process of "democratizing the media" based on recent constitutional guarantees and a 2013 communications law is under way in Ecuador. The initiative comes from a demand for new forms of social accountability and participation in the mass media after the Latin American experience of media companies'direct engagement in coups and the destabilization of progressive governments. Media democratization is seen as necessary for the construction of democratic societies. It is distinct in Latin America from recent Northern approaches, which tend to be technocratic, suggesting democratic transformation through new online media and enhanced consumer options. Ecuador's process follows similar initiatives in Venezuela, Bolivia, Argentina, and Uruguay but is perhaps more articulate and systematic. It is instructive in that it builds on well-established public policy themes of the containment of monopoly power, redress of civil wrongs, and the promotion of participation and diversity. While media corporations mostly seek to disqualify debate on media regulation, Ecuador's approach deserves closer examination. Ecuador está llevando a cabo un proceso de "democratización de medios" basado en las recientes garantías constitucionales y la ley de comunicaciones de 2013. La iniciativa responde a una exigencia de nuevas formas de responsabilidad social y participación en los medios de comunicación masivos a raíz de experiencias latinoamericanas en las cuales ciertas compañías de medios han intervenido para desestabilizar o generar golpes de estado contra gobiernos progresistas. La democratización de los medios se considera necesaria para la construcción de sociedades democráticas, y esta aproximación se distingue de aquellas características del hemisferio norte con sus tendencias tecnocráticas, que sugieren que la transformación democrática se ha de llevar a cabo mediante nuevos medios en línea y opciones de consumo más amplias. El proceso ecuatoriano se suma a iniciativas similares en Venezuela, Bolivia, Argentina y Uruguay, pero es quizá más articulado y sistemático. Se basa en temas de política pública establecidos como la contención del poder monopólico, la rectificación de delitos civiles, y la promoción de la participación y la diversidad. Si bien las corporaciones de medios han buscado descalificar los debates en torno a la mencionada regulación, los esfuerzos ecuatorianos merecen ser examinados más de cerca.

The lack of consensus over inequality contrasts with the obvious agreement regarding the need to eradicate poverty. Inequality is studied for a number of reasons: to identify its sources, its consequences, to what extent it may be desirable, the dynamic links between inequality and poverty, or to try to discern the major structural forces underlying it. Little attention has been given though to the main objection as regards inequality. Economic accounts are for the most part obscure and their assumptions are often very different from those of sociologists. This paper argues that while the many differences among different accounts must be considered, it is also important to identify the various approaches tackling this issue in a more direct way. This work explores four categories: the economic arguments, the accounts on dynamic poverty and human development, the theories on social contract and social justice, and finally, those focused on social integrity. It is argued that approaches based on social integrity are more conclusive as they tend to demonstrate, with a more basic logic, in what way serious inequality may undermine both the whole social agenda and a coherent political body which is so necessary for social progress and a thorough enforcement of citizens' rights. Adapted from the source document.

La falta de consenso existente en torno a la desigualdad contrasta con el aparente consenso construido alrededor de la necesidad de eliminar la pobreza. Se estudia la desigualdad por una diversidad de razones: para identificar sus fuentes, sus consecuencias, el grado en el que la desigualdad es deseable, los vínculos dinámicos entre desigualdad y pobreza, o tratando de discernir las grandes fuerzas estructurales que la impulsan. Sin embargo, se presta poca atención a la objeción principal ante la desigualdad. La mayoría de las explicaciones económicas son opacas, y con frecuencia comparten supuestos muy distintos a los que plantean los sociólogos. En este artículo se sostiene que debemos considerar la amplia gama de diferencias existente entre las explicaciones, pero es importante identificar los distintos fundamentos que tratan la problemática de manera más directa. El trabajo explora cuatro categorías: los argumentos económicos, las explicaciones sobre la pobreza dinámica y el desarrollo humano, las teorías sobre el contrato social y la justicia social y, por último, aquellas que tratan sobre integridad social. Entre ellas, se sostiene que resultan más satisfactorias aquellas explicaciones con base en la integridad social ya que éstas tienden a demostrar, con mayor lógica elemental, cómo la desigualdad grave puede socavar la agencia social integral, así como a un cuerpo político coherente tan necesario para el progreso social y la plena vigencia de los derechos de las y los ciudadanos.

No productivist model of socialism has ever existed in Cuba. Rather, the Cuban approach has drawn on a hybrid of ethical principles with some consistent strategic themes. Cuba's socialist strategy has been reformulated quite flexibly, in relation to these principles and historical circumstances, and this flexibility seems to have been important in allowing Cuban socialism to adapt and survive. More recently, Cuba has looked for a selective engagement with the global economy, advancing its strong service sectors while protecting key domestic services and domestic food production. The major in-principle change in recent years has been the licensing of the hiring of private labor. Changes to Cuba's microeconomy are also best understood through the lens of ethical socialism and adaptation. Special attention to Cuba's microeconomy is warranted because of the complex relation between wages, subsidized prices, and shared services. Nunca ha existido ningún modelo productivista del socialismo en Cuba. Por el contrario, el enfoque cubano se ha basado en un híbrido de principios éticos con algunos temas estratégicos consistentes. La estrategia socialista cubana ha sido reformulada de manera bastante flexible en relación a estos principios y circunstancias históricas, y esta flexibilidad parece haber ayudado en la adaptación y supervivencia del socialismo cubano. Más recientemente, Cuba ha buscado un compromiso selectivo con la economía mundial, avanzando sus sectores de servicio fuertes hacia adelante a la vez que protegiendo servicios domésticos clave y la producción nacional de alimentos. El principal cambio en los últimos años ha sido la licencia de contratación de mano de obra privada. Los cambios a la microeconomía cubana también se entienden mejor a través de un lente de socialismo ético y adaptación. El énfasis en la microeconomía de Cuba tiene sentido dada la compleja relación entre los salarios, los precios subsidiados y los servicios compartidos.

'"Social medicine", a concept notably developed in Latin America by Salvador Allende in the 1930s, links up a broader model and ethos of public health with processes of social transformation. In recent years that influence has spread to Timor Leste, through a very large Cuban health cooperation and training program. This paper considers to what extent an endogenous "social medicine" might be developing in Timor Leste. Such a development would require transition away from the existing model based on small, private clinics. The paper accepts Guzmán's observation that Latin American social medicine is a wider, more dynamic and participatory model than that presented from European epidemiology – the 'social determinants' approach – but asserts that there are different forms of social medicine, conditioned by distinct histories and cultures. If earlier Chilean social medicine was a key element of that country's radical social democracy, and Cuban social medicine expressed revolutionary solidarity and internationalism, what might be the character of an East Timorese social medicine? This paper traces the idea of 'social medicine' from Chile, through Cuban solidarity aid, to the synthesis emerging in Timor Leste. This is an interpretive history, making use of past analyses, contemporary information on the Cuba-Timor Leste health program and the East Timorese responses. It includes a number of interviews and direct observations of pedagogy and practice. It concludes that a transition to social medicine in Timor Leste has some advantages: the large scale of the new training program; a sympathetic culture; and potential leadership. Less certain is the exact form of East Timorese social medicine. However the ideas seem set to be absorbed into a domestic culture of community solidarity, inclusive Christianity, and an independent spirit.