Suchergebnisse

Front Matter -- Introduction / Xenia Chryssochoou, Assaad E Azzi, Bert Klandermans, Bernd Simon -- Development, (Re)Construction, and Expression of Collective Identities. Part Introduction / Xenia Chryssochoou -- The Role of Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Class in Shaping Greek American Identity, 1890₆1927 / Yannis G S Papadopoulos -- Religious Identity and Socio-Political Participation / Maykel Verkuyten -- The Bicultural Identity Performance of Immigrants / Shaun Wiley, Kay Deaux -- Perceptions of (In)Compatibility between Identities and Participation in the National Polity of People belonging to Ethnic Minorities / Xenia Chryssochoou, Evanthia Lyons -- Collective Identity and Political Participation. Part Introduction / Bernd Simon -- Winners and Losers in the Europeanization of Public Policy Debates / Ruud Koopmans, Paul Statham -- New Ways of Understanding Migrant Integration in Europe / P R Ireland -- Collective Identity and Political Engagement / Bernd Simon -- Collective Identity, Political Participation, and the Making of the Social Self / Stephen Reicher, John Drury -- Radicalization. Part Introduction / Bert Klandermans -- Radicalization / Jacquelien van Stekelenburg, Bert Klandermans -- Citizenship Regimes and Identity Strategies among Young Muslims in Europe / Catarina Kinnvall, Paul Nesbitt-Larking -- Going All the Way / Martijn de Koning, Roel Meijer -- Trajectories of Ideologies and Action in US Organized Racism / Kathleen M Blee -- No Radicalization without Identification / Jacquelien van Stekelenburg, Dirk Oegema, Bert Klandermans -- Integration. Part Introduction / Assaad E Azzi -- Immigrant Acculturation / John W Berry -- Ethnic Social Networks, Social Capital, and Political Participation of Immigrants / Dirk Jacobs, Jean Tillie -- Naturalization as Boundary Crossing / Claudia Diehl, Michael Blohm -- Confronting the Past to Create a Better Future / Nyla R Branscombe, Tracey Cronin -- Name Index -- Subject Index -- Conclusion: From Identity and Participation to Integration or Radicalization.

A number of studies have found that high status groups tend to discriminate more than low status groups. This tendency can be interpreted as reflecting either a desire to maintain a positive social identity or an application of equity. An experiment was conducted in order to examine
the roles of these two factors. The independent variables were status (high vs. low), and the nature of the relation between the dimension on which status was defined and the dimension on which in-group bias was measured (relation, no relation). When the two dimensions were related, equity
was expected to be relevant. Therefore it was predicted that the status differential would be reproduced through the allocations. Contrary to this hypothesis, neither the high nor the low status group displayed in-group favoritism in this condition. The authors suggest that the use of two
related dimensions rather than only one, as in previous studies, is responsible for such a discrepancy. It was further predicted that when the two dimensions were unrelated, equity would be irrelevant and therefore members of both groups would display in-group bias on the new dimension-either
as a means of preserving a positive social identity or in order to achieve one. This second hypothesis was confirmed.

Dans la société contemporaine, les jeunes Belges issus de l'immigration sont de plus en plus exposés aux changements structurels et à l'évolution des pratiques socioculturelles des pays d'origine de leurs parents. Cet article traite du rôle des contacts avec le pays d'origine dans la construction de l'identité sociale d'enfants d'immigrés. Nous postulons que ces contacts affectent les « stratégies identitaires » telles que définies par Carmel Camilleri (1990). Seize jeunes Belges d'origine turque et marocaine ont été rencontrés lors d'entretiens semi-directifs qui furent par la suite analysés au moyen du logiciel d'analyse de données textuelles ALCESTE. Nous observons une influence de la dimension de genre dans l'incidence de ces contacts sur l'identité ainsi que l'émergence de stratégies visant à gérer la disparité culturelle et les assignations identitaires provenant du pays d'origine.

According to the "Waffle" model of the Belgian Linguistic Conflict (Klein et al., 2012), this conflict centres around two main dimensions: One concerns the use of language across the territory and the second concerns the distribution of resources between the two main linguistic communities, Dutch-speakers and French-speakers. The model suggests that the two groups adhere to different justice principles regarding these issues and that these disagreements are a function of the intensity of the conflict. With respect to the first dimension, Dutch-speakers are expected to adhere more to a principle of linguistic territoriality than French-speakers who should be more in favor of a free choice of one's idiom across the territory. With respect to the second dimension, the model posits that Dutch-speakers will adhere more to an equity principle whereas French-speakers should adhere more to a need principle. We tested these hypotheses in the context of a large-scale survey involving two waves: in May 2011 in the middle of a political crisis, and in June 2014, when the conflict was appeased. The pattern of "disagreements" in a subsample that participated in both waves of the survey (N = 378) is consistent with the Waffle model and, as expected, more severe at the heart of the conflict (in 2011) than after pacification (in 2014). However, differences were driven mostly by supporters of the Flemish nationalist party N-VA. Moreover, endorsement of principles on both dimensions are predictive of separatist attitudes in the Dutch-speaking sample whereas only the first dimension plays a role for the French speaking sample.

According to the "Waffle" model of the Belgian Linguistic Conflict (Klein et al., 2012), this conflict centres around two main dimensions: One concerns the use of language across the territory and the second concerns the distribution of resources between the two main linguistic communities, Dutch-speakers and French-speakers. The model suggests that the two groups adhere to different justice principles regarding these issues and that these disagreements are a function of the intensity of the conflict. With respect to the first dimension, Dutch-speakers are expected to adhere more to a principle of linguistic territoriality than French-speakers who should be more in favor of a free choice of one's idiom across the territory. With respect to the second dimension, the model posits that Dutch-speakers will adhere more to an equity principle whereas French-speakers should adhere more to a need principle. We tested these hypotheses in the context of a large-scale survey involving two waves: in May 2011 in the middle of a political crisis, and in June 2014, when the conflict was appeased. The pattern of "disagreements" in a subsample that participated in both waves of the survey (N = 378) is consistent with the Waffle model and, as expected, more severe at the heart of the conflict (in 2011) than after pacification (in 2014). However, differences were driven mostly by supporters of the Flemish nationalist party N-VA. Moreover, endorsement of principles on both dimensions are predictive of separatist attitudes in the Dutch-speaking sample whereas only the first dimension plays a role for the French speaking sample.

According to the "Waffle" model of the Belgian Linguistic Conflict (Klein et al. 2012), this conflict centres around two main dimensions: One concerns the use of language across the territory and the second concerns the distribution of resources between the two main linguistic communities, Dutch-speakers and French-speakers. The model suggests that the two groups adhere to different justice principles regarding these issues and that these disagreements are a function of the intensity of the conflict. With respect to the first dimension, Dutch-speakers are expected to adhere more to a principle of linguistic territoriality than French-speakers who should be more in favor of a free choice of one's idiom across the territory. With respect to the second dimension, the model posits that Dutch-speakers will adhere more to an equity principle whereas French-speakers should adhere more to a need principle. We tested these hypotheses in the context of a large-scale survey involving two waves: In May 2011 in the middle of a political crisis, and in June 2014, when the conflict was appeased. The pattern of "disagreements" in a subsample that participated in both waves of the survey (N = 378) is consistent with the Waffle model and, as expected, more severe at the heart of the conflict (in 2011) than after pacification (in 2014). However, differences were driven mostly by supporters of the Flemish nationalist party N-VA. Moreover, endorsement of principles on both dimensions are predictive of separatist attitudes in the Dutch-speaking sample whereas only the first dimension plays a role for the French speaking sample. ; SCOPUS: ar.j ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Recent work on psychological entitativity has suggested that perceiving Europe as an homogeneous entity may increase identification with this group. We suggest that this effect might in fact be due to the positively valued political projects that these descriptions serve rather than to their intrinsic qualities. In line with this view, it was predicted that a positive relation between perception of similarity among European nations and European identification would be obtained only when similarity was presented as desirable for the accomplishment of the European integration project. Generally pro-European students in three Brussels secondary schools (N=122) read a speech stressing the efficiency of a policy - increasing similarities vs. preserving differences between countries - in the successful development of the EU, or no text in the Control condition. They then reported their level of European identification and their perception of similarity among European nations. Results show that countries were judged as less similar in the "Difference desirable" condition than in the "Similarity desirable" or control conditions (no text), while European identification remained stable. Moreover, Perception of Similarity significantly predicted European Identification only when similarity had been presented as desirable. In the two other conditions - when no text was presented and when difference was presented as desirable -, there was no significant relation between these two variables. This study shows that perceiving an in-group as a homogeneous entity does not enhance identification unless it is considered as desirable for the in-group. In the case of the European Union, it suggests that perceiving heterogeneity among countries should not impede the development of a European identity. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

De nombreuses études montrent que la mention de l'origine ethnique ou nationale des criminels est une pratique répandue dans les médias occidentaux. Pour identifier la valeur que les journalistes attribuent à cette information, nous avons analysé les éditoriaux publiés par six quotidiens belges, relatifs à l'affaire Joe Van Holsbeeck, du nom d'un adolescent tué par des individus qui tentaient de voler son lecteur MP3. L'analyse met en évidence que cette information sort le crime de son contexte immédiat pour l'inscrire dans un système de représentations préexistantes. En ce sens, la mention de l'origine ethnique ou nationale des suspects a une portée davantage référentielle qu'indicielle.

Recent work on psychological entitativity has suggested that perceiving Europe as an homogeneous entity may increase identification with this group. We suggest that this effect might in fact be due to the positively valued political projects that these descriptions serve rather than to their intrinsic qualities. In line with this view, it was predicted that a positive relation between perception of similarity among European nations and European identification would be obtained only when similarity was presented as desirable for the accomplishment of the European integration project. Generally pro-European students in three Brussels secondary schools (N= 122) read a speech stressing the efficiency of a policy - increasing similarities vs. preserving differences between countries - in the successful development of the EU, or no text in the Control condition. They then reported their level of European identification and their perception of similarity among European nations. Results show that countries were judged as less similar in the "Difference desirable" condition than in the "Similarity desirable" or control conditions (no text), while European identification remained stable. Moreover, Perception of Similarity significantly predicted European Identification only when similarity had been presented as desirable. In the two other conditions - when no text was presented and when difference was presented as desirable there was no significant relation between these two variables. This study shows that perceiving an in-group as a homogeneous entity does not enhance identification unless it is considered as desirable for the in-group. In the case of the European Union, it suggests that perceiving heterogeneity among countries should not impede the development of a European identity.