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Among other compelling factors, the ramifications of the Eurozone crisis and a contentious refugee crisis at the European shores and borders gave incentive to the re-assertion of European populism. Across continental Europe, populist politics is undoubtedly gaining political spotlight; though they remain peripheral within the large political sphere. Arguably, these parties often exhibit certain traits, which lead to their monolithic description, yet there is incongruity amongst them. In as much as democracy allows the freedom of expression and liberal political participation, it is nevertheless embedded with degree of contradictions. The narratives and actions of European populist parties and their constituents embody those contradictions. These contradictions by extension contrive radical effects on the European political theatre. Radical populist politics that now inundates European political landscape is actually spirited by the existence of hibernated but political radical germs. Populism and anti-Europeanism is trendy because of socialization breakdown, a political rupture that paves way for oppositional values based on radical ideology with the intent to cause radical replacement of the dominant ideology. Radical populism has reengineered political discourse, a shift from politically incorrect to acceptable political narratives. With the market theory of supply and demand, this paper considers political ideology as commodity and the electorates as rational actors (buyers), capable and at liberty to make rational choices on what sort of political commodity best suits their interest. The implication is the propensity of the electorates to switch loyalty from one (political) product to another. Lastly, the paper explores how impactful radical populism could be on the European political theatre and whether or not radical populism endangers democracy, breaches minority right, contribute to anti-egalitarian and anti-humanitarian policy.

The Middle East crises reiterate the popular sentiment that the region will retain her volatility for years to come, whilst refreshing our memory of the transnationalism of modern political upheaval. The wave and magnitude of the displaced people out of the Middle East, particularly from Syria does not merely underpin the depth of the humanitarian crisis, but the ferocity shown by the victims trying to reach the supposedly shore of hope, help, prosperity, and posterity in Europe. The crisis further illuminates the often rejected view that the Muslim societies cannot command a common voice to resolving common crisis mostly challenging fellow religious and cultural kin. Yet, the crisis also lay bare before our naked eyes that irrespective of the looming and daunting crises confronting Europe, Europeans have not altogether forsaken their moral value of humanitarianism, though the latter is challenged by the growing propensity of far-rightism. The article is an attempt to understand the European reactions towards the refugee crisis through the prism of event-analysis, policy-assessment, and public opinion. Doing the latter, the research delineates the three dimensional approaches (institution, state, and people) through which European have treated the crisis. The piece underscored the pertinence of the far-right tendency, not as mere farce, but a reckonable force potential enough to determine the final fate of the refugees seeking succor in Europe. The piece was not completed without expounding the extent to which Muslim/Arab states responded to the crisis.

Of recent, newspapers across Europe carry headlines portraying Muslim radicalism. This is true giving the complicity of Muslim youth in various violent attacks. The headlines resonate amidst the growing nationalism in Europe, deeply tainted and lanced with conservatism. The Charlie Hebdo attack equally reiterated the protracted debates on the extent to which Islam is compatible with Western ethos. The attack further brought to surface the issue of freedom of expression, an essential part of Western democracy. This raises questions such as: who determines and what constitutes the public sphere; what are the lines of distinctions between the private and public domains; should there be a level of shared respect between the majority and minority; are European Muslims an integral part of the mainstream European society; what factors shape the radicalization of European Muslim youth; does religion actually have huge space in their minds; and, how much does constructivism present and resolve the protracted debate between the European Muslim community and the host society. Radicalization of European Muslim youth is less of ideology, but more of socio-economic deprivation.

Today's Muslim world is beyond the periscope of Muslim majority societies and rather inclusive of the ever growing Muslim communities in the West. The ongoing predicaments in the Muslim societies might though be contemporary but inextricable from the bequeathed European legacies in these societies. Although, European formal administration of the Muslim world is past historical reality, nonetheless, should Europe take responsibility for the happenings in the Muslim world? In the post-Cold War era, how much similarities and dissimilarities can be drawn in the EU and the US foreign policies and actions towards the Muslims. The post 9/11 developments indicate visible signs of approaches and opinions in the EU countries towards some of the issues of the Muslim World – more so in the case of Palestine, Iraq Syria and Iran – ostensibly independent of Washington. Should the European gestures be taken as goodwill and pragmatism or other side of the coin in the US foreign policy? Would there be any degree of correlation between affairs of European Muslims and the larger Muslim societies? The need for greater mutual understanding between the EU and the Muslim countries as well as the OIC, is evident.

The convergence of Muslims in Europe and America from different Muslim majority societies conjures the idea of a multicultural milieu. The West has indeed become a crossroad of civilizations and cultures and such intersection is explicable for a cosmopolitan fiqh reflective of all the Muslims. The convergence of Muslims of different Madhhabs, cultural and social background in the West does not simply delineates the universality and homogeneous ground, but it also nicely presents the laboratory for the mixture of all Madhhabs that have long divided the Muslims. Bridging the past and the present is the golden aim of cosmopolitan fiqh and presenting Islam as a comprehensive faith reflecting on the entirety of life. Cosmopolitan fiqh can be yet an avenue for Muslims to showcase their worth and extent to which they can contribute in the societies they are part of.

The European Union (EU) has come a long way since its inception in late 1950s as the European Economic Community, now regarded as the most notable example of regional integration in the world. Yet, the union has witnessed several challenges — among them economic crisis, the dominance of large members within the Union and seemingly less favorable treatment towards new and aspiring members — which, to many, have casted doubts over the future of the arrangement, particularly the common currency and the monetary union. Nationalist tendencies have also risen across the members. Nonetheless, the EU remains far from an imminent failure. What is needed is to make the EU more democratic in its decision making and functioning.

Part I. International Perspectives -- 1. Introduction: Continuity in Tradition and Reconstruction of the Past: An Analysis of Contemporary Middle East -- 2. On the change in International System: Prospects and pitfalls of Saudi Arabia-Israel Relations -- 3. De-securitizing and Normalizing a Regional Actor: The case of Israel and Abraham Accords -- 4. Israel-Muslim World Relations under China's Watch -- 5. Africa in the Shadow of Arab – Israel Relations -- 6. Global Protection Force for Palestine -- Part II. Regional Perspectives -- 7. Relations between Tunisia and the Zionist State within a Post-Abraham Peace Accords Context -- 8. GCC-Israel Rapprochement under Abraham Accords: Implications for Israel-Palestine Conflict -- 9. Abraham Accord: Regional Impact on Hezbollah -- 10. Normalization of Relations between Israel and Arab States: An Iranian Perspective -- 11. Israel-Arab Normalization: Reflections from Pakistan -- 12. Periphery Doctrine and Israel Relations with Central Asian States: A Normalized Perspective from Non-Arab Region -- 13. The Arab-Israeli Diplomatic Normalization and its implications for South and Southeast Asian Muslim Countries.

This book focuses on rapprochement and normalisation between Israel and some Arab countries within the context of global and regional geopolitics, bringing together broader perspectives on transformations resulting from this. The analysis is rooted in a historical and cultural construction of the region as an Islamic sphere viewing Israel as a perpetuation of the Western colonial project in the region. It analyses how this normalisation must not be treated as a novel phenomenon, but as a reconstruction of the past and continuity in tradition geared at regional stability, signifying a wider shift in the structure of the global international system. The first section addresses the international perspectives of the changing dynamics through the lens of US domestic politics, disengagement plans, China's increasing understanding of the geopolitics of the Abrahamic world. It equally pays enough attention to the attendant implications of this normalisation. The second section of the book explores the reflections of regional (state and non-state) actors, such as Turkey, Iran, Syria, Pakistan, and Hezbollah, and the catalysing effects of this normalisation within and beyond the region. The book is a rich resource for scholars of regional and international relations, in particular Middle East studies. It provides useful reading material for both undergraduate and graduate students of Political Science, think tanks, diplomats, and IR experts and policy analysts, who are desirous of having rich theoretical and empirical underpinnings of unfolding realities in the larger Middle East. Bakare Najimdeen is Associate Professor at the Centre for International Peace & Stability (CIPS), Department of Peace and Conflict Studies, National University of Sciences & Technology (NUST), Islamabad, Pakistan

Soon after attaining independence on October 1, 1960, the newly created nation-state – Nigeria had to wrestle with post-independent political realities. These combined with the legacies of colonial rule, and the prevalence of ethno-religious politics, led the country into civil war in 1967. Since 1960, Nigeria has experimented with different forms of government and achieved some degree of economic growth but is still plagued by the agitation of self-determination in the form of secessionist campaigns, be it the Biafra or the Oduduwa and Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). To place the discussion in perspective, the paper reviews the existing literature on the subject and also discusses Edward Azar's protracted social conflict (PSC) theory as the theoretical base. Upon laying the theoretical foundation, the paper situates and evaluates the agitation for self-determination in Nigeria in the light of PSC. Lastly, the paper concludes that instead of seeking self-determination or territorial disintegration, the polity of Nigeria should historically revert to the practice of congenial and connected regionalism.

Soon after attaining independence on October 1, 1960, the newly created nation-state – Nigeria had to wrestle with post-independent political realities. These combined with the legacies of colonial rule, and the prevalence of ethno-religious politics, led the country into civil war in 1967. Since 1960, Nigeria has experimented with different forms of government and achieved some degree of economic growth but is still plagued by the agitation of self-determination in the form of secessionist campaigns, be it the Biafra or the Oduduwa and Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). To place the discussion in perspective, the paper reviews the existing literature on the subject and also discusses Edward Azar's protracted social conflict (PSC) theory as the theoretical base. Upon laying the theoretical foundation, the paper situates and evaluates the agitation for self-determination in Nigeria in the light of PSC. Lastly, the paper concludes that instead of seeking self-determination or territorial disintegration, the polity of Nigeria should historically revert to the practice of congenial and connected regionalism. ; Niebawem po tym jak Nigeria uzyskała niepodległość, 1.10.1960 r., państwo to musiało zmierzyć się z nowymi realiami, potęgowanymi kolonialną przeszłością oraz sporami pomiędzy licznymi mniejszościami religijno-etnicznymi. Efektem była m.in. wojna domowa, która wybuchła w 1967 r. Od samych początków swej państwowości Nigeria eksperymentowała z różnymi formami rządów, którym udało się wprowadzić kraj na tory umiarkowanego rozwoju ekonomicznego. Niestety państwo to wciąż zmaga się z ruchami separatystycznymi nawołującymi do secesji poszczególnych prowincji państwa, np. Biafra, Oduduwa, czy Ruch na rzecz wyzwolenia delty Nigru. Artykuł ten ma na celu m.in. omówienie literatury przedmiotu oraz analizę wspomnianych ruchów separatystycznych ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem ich działal ności agitacyjnej. Podstawę metodologiczną dla autora stanowi teoria przewlekłego konfliktu Edward Azara. Zdaniem autora nigeryjski system polityczny zamiast opierać się na realizacji prawa do samostanowienia poszczególnych grup etnicznych wchodzących w skład Nigerii lub podziałach terytorialnych prowadzących do dezintegracji państwa, powinien powrócić do modelu opartego o regionalizację. Zakłada on autonomię regionów, które współpracując ze sobą w ramach jednego organizmu państwowego potrafiłyby w znacznie efektywniejszy sposób realizować swoje potrzeby, zarówno na poziomie poszczególnych grup etnicznych, jak też i na poziomie jednostki ludzkiej.

Soon after attaining independence on October 1, 1960, the newly created nation-state – Nigeria had to wrestle with post-independent political realities. These combined with the legacies of colonial rule, and the prevalence of ethno-religious politics, led the country into civil war in 1967. Since 1960, Nigeria has experimented with different forms of government and achieved some degree of economic growth but is still plagued by the agitation of self-determination in the form of secessionist campaigns, be it the Biafra or the Oduduwa and Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). To place the discussion in perspective, the paper reviews the existing literature on the subject and also discusses Edward Azar's protracted social conflict (PSC) theory as the theoretical base. Upon laying the theoretical foundation, the paper situates and evaluates the agitation for self-determination in Nigeria in the light of PSC. Lastly, the paper concludes that instead of seeking self-determination or territorial disintegration, the polity of Nigeria should historically revert to the practice of congenial and connected regionalism. ; Niebawem po tym jak Nigeria uzyskała niepodległość, 1.10.1960 r., państwo to musiało zmierzyć się z nowymi realiami, potęgowanymi kolonialną przeszłością oraz sporami pomiędzy licznymi mniejszościami religijno-etnicznymi. Efektem była m.in. wojna domowa, która wybuchła w 1967 r. Od samych początków swej państwowości Nigeria eksperymentowała z różnymi formami rządów, którym udało się wprowadzić kraj na tory umiarkowanego rozwoju ekonomicznego. Niestety państwo to wciąż zmaga się z ruchami separatystycznymi nawołującymi do secesji poszczególnych prowincji państwa, np. Biafra, Oduduwa, czy Ruch na rzecz wyzwolenia delty Nigru. Artykuł ten ma na celu m.in. omówienie literatury przedmiotu oraz analizę wspomnianych ruchów separatystycznych ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem ich działal ności agitacyjnej. Podstawę metodologiczną dla autora stanowi teoria przewlekłego konfliktu Edward Azara. Zdaniem autora nigeryjski system polityczny zamiast opierać się na realizacji prawa do samostanowienia poszczególnych grup etnicznych wchodzących w skład Nigerii lub podziałach terytorialnych prowadzących do dezintegracji państwa, powinien powrócić do modelu opartego o regionalizację. Zakłada on autonomię regionów, które współpracując ze sobą w ramach jednego organizmu państwowego potrafiłyby w znacznie efektywniejszy sposób realizować swoje potrzeby, zarówno na poziomie poszczególnych grup etnicznych, jak też i na poziomie jednostki ludzkiej.

Since donning the mantle of authority, President Putin has taken actions which have uninhibitedly been geared at reasserting Russia's hegemony around the world. Putin's Look East policy stems from his schematic geopolitics, a plan which was formally announced in 2010. Through the prism of Putin's Look East policy, the paper contextually analyses Russia–South Asia relations, with reference to India and Pakistan. By cross-examining Russia's official foreign policy documents, the paper establishes why South Asia is paramount to Russia's economic and geostrategic reassertion. Every new policy has its challenges, and the same holds true for the Look East policy vis-à-vis South Asia. Premised on the unfolding geopolitics in the region, the paper surmises that striking a balance between New Delhi and Islamabad will be problematic for Moscow, just as it has always been for Washington.

Many existing studies and researches have shown the link between vaccine hesitancy and rurality. To test the validity of this assertion, this paper uses COVID-19 vaccine as a reference case and tries to understand vaccine hesitancy in urban communities through the conceptual lens of post-truth. The argument enunciated in the paper is based on data gathered through an online survey, conducted from May to October 2021. Thematically, this paper identified two themes: 'mistrust' and 'misinformation', revealing the coupling effect of the themes and the intersection of vaccine hesitancy and post-truth in two urban (Islamabad and Rawalpindi) communities of Pakistan. While the discussions were contextual, this paper epistemically shows that the reality of COVID-19 was blurred by misinformation which translated into cynicism, mistrust and hesitancy for COVID-19 vaccine and the outcome proved why health security must be taken seriously, especially in the post-truth era.

Since making it out as the most powerful nation following the Second World War, Washington has demonstrated and employed two independent yet interlocking policies of Exceptionalism and Containment in its foreign policy. American exceptionalism is ingrained in its pride as the most powerful military and economic power, and a champion of democracy. While Washington sees itself as exceptional, it also believes that the fruition of its national interest and strategic objectives depends on bestowing friendly states with exceptional code. To place the discussion in perspective, we take Iran as a case study and explore the transition of Iran from being a recipient of American exceptional code, a strategic tool of American containment policy, to becoming an object of containment itself. The article applies George Kennan's exceptionalism and containment strategy on USA–Iran relations in both Shah's rule and post-revolution era. We conclude that decades of US exceptionalism in the region have multiplied into regional challenges for the USA itself and raised the importance of Iran and increased its security threats.