Suchergebnisse

Este artigo examina a política nuclear das administrações de Richard Nixon e Gerald Ford, por meio da análise de fontes primárias e secundárias sobre principais fatores internacionais e domésticos que as influenciaram. Argumenta-se que as diretrizes de longo prazo da política nuclear americana foram desenvolvidas nesse período, entre 1969 e 1977. Essas diretrizes podem ser divididas em três pontos principais. O primeiro é a plurilateralização do regime de não-proliferação nuclear e restrição do fornecimento de tecnologia de dual. Isso significou encontrar alternativas para instituições multilaterais existentes, por meio de negociações bilaterais de desarmamento com a URSS e por meio da criação de arranjos plurilaterais, como o GSN. O segundo ponto foi o compartilhamento da gestão da ordem internacional com poderes regionais, de modo a criar equilíbrio de poder favorável aos EUA. A última diretriz foi o aumento da competitividade das empresas americanas via privatização do setor nuclear. Este último ponto foi viabilizado na administração da Ford, dado o fracasso da iniciativa inicial de Nixon, e levou à consolidação de estrutura burocrática capaz de evitar mudanças drásticas na política de seguridade nuclear.

O campo da teoria das relações internacionais passa, atualmente, por processo de alargamento do seu escopo e de suas percepções da realidade. Um dos diversos fatores que têm contribuído para esse processo é o crescente interesse dos teóricos do Sul Global em tentar fazer com que suas vozes sejam ouvidas. Um exemplo desse processo são as Epistemologias Geoculturais, que tentam promover a compreensão das relações internacionais por meio do contexto histórico e da visão de mundo peculiar dos países do Sul Global. Instar a criação de um quadro inteligível das Epistemologias Geoculturais é o principal objetivo do livro Claiming the International, organizado pelos professores Arlene Tickner e David Blaney.ABSTRACTThe field of International Relations theory is currently experiencing a process of widening of its scope and of perceptions of reality. One of the sundry factors that have contributed to that process is the increasing interest of theorists from the Global South to attempt to make their voices heard. An example of this process is the Geocultural Epistemologies, which try to foster the understanding of International Relations through the historical background and peculiar world-view of the countries of the Global South. Providing an intelligible framework of the Geocultural Epistemologies is the main objective of the book Claiming the International, which was organised by professors Arlene Tickner and David Blaney.Palavras-chave: epistemologias geoculturais; teoria das Relações Internacionais; Sul GlobalKeywords: geocultural epistemologies; theory of International Relations; Global South DOI: 10.12957/rmi.2015.17411 Recebido em 15 de Julho de 2015 / Received on July 15, 2015.Aceito em 20 de Dezembro de 2015 / Accepted December 20, 2015.

In this article, we employ theoretical tools of social psychology to develop a framework to understand how ideas about children, girls, and child soldiers are constructed and reinforced in the field of International Relations. We show how specific ideas of girls, children and child soldiers as victims are constructed in the United Nation's Agenda on Children and Armed Conflicts between 1999 and 2019, and how these contrast with alternative reports and narratives of girl soldiers' experiences in Colombia. Although there is a growing literature on girl soldiers, we conclude that girl soldiers continue to be a triply silenced group in international policy-making inside the categories of children, girl, and child soldier, particularly in Colombia.

No campo da segurança nuclear (nuclear security), a não proliferação de armas atômicas é tema patente desde o final da Segunda Guerra Mundial, em especial durante o período da Guerra Fria. De fato, conformou-se, neste momento, um conjunto amplo de regras, normas e organizações direcionadas para conter o avanço das armas nucleares. Essas instituições tornaram-se mecanismos fundamentais no que concerne à condução das relações internacionais contemporâneas. Tendo esse cenário em perspectiva, o presente artigo busca analisar os rumos do regime internacional de não proliferação nuclear desde a década de 1960, destacando as diferenças entre três períodos (décadas de 1950-1960; décadas de 1970-1980; décadas de 1990-2000). Dentre as principais modificações, destaca-se uma mudança de ênfase nas relações internacionais, em direção a aspectos de seguridade nuclear (nuclear safety) principalmente após o acidente de Chernobyl (1986).
Palavras-Chave: regimes internacionais; segurança internacional; não proliferação de armas nucleares, Guerra Fria, segurança nuclear.


Abstract: In the field of nuclear security, the non-proliferation of atomic weapons is a core issue since the end of the Second World War and especially during the Cold War. In fact, during this period, it has been designed a wide set of rules, norms, and organizations, which were directed to counter the advance of nuclear weapons. These institutions became fundamental mechanisms to the conduction of contemporary international relations. Considering this scenario, this article aims to analyze the directions of the international regime for nuclear non-proliferation since the 1960's, highlighting the differences within three periods (1950's-1960's; 1970's-1980's; 1990's-2000's). Among the main modification, we highlight a change in emphasis towards issues related to nuclear safety, especially after the Chernobyl accident (1986).
Key-Words: International Regimes; International Security; Non-proliferation of nuclear weapons; Cold War; Nuclear Safety.


Recebido em: abril/2017
Aprovado em: dezembro/2017

On the 75th anniversary of the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, an overlooked event has shaken nuclear politics. With its 50th ratifier, the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW/Ban Treaty) is set to become binding. The pros and cons of that treaty, the possible consequences going forwards, and three possible future scenarios are worthy of analysis.
Until now, nuclear bombs were the only weapons of mass destruction not forbidden by international law. Even though atomic powers hold legal obligations to disarm, progress in that area is slow - if happening at all. The Ban Treaty intends to fill this legal gap and speed up disarmament negotiations.
The TPNW is a polemical treaty. Criticisms range from how broadly its text was framed, to the lack of substance on technical procedures, to who it was who negotiated it. Being a treaty boycotted by nuclear powers, critics point out that it will not have any practical effect whatsoever - and, if somehow so, only a negative one.
Most criticisms overlook the normative foundations of the Ban Treaty, as well as its main target: creating, in the long run, an ideational and social environment that enables a non-nuclear-weapons peace. It should be regarded as one more instrument to pressure for nuclear disarmament and ensure non-proliferation.
The entry into force of the Ban Treaty is, by itself, a relevant event, with consequences for existing disarmament talks. Atomic arsenals will not be immediately dismantled. In the long run, however, increased public and social pressure may lead to an effective stimagitisation of nuclear weapons, rendering a nuclear-free world possible. With an active civil society and being a member of the Atlantic Alliance, Germany is in the position to become a bridge between state parties to and boycotters of the TPNW.

Full nuclear disarmament and the effective non-proliferation of atomic weapons are two of the most challenging aspirations of humankind. To tackle these issues, most analysts focus on the experiences of nuclear-weapon-owning states. A different perspective is taken here, however, by drawing lessons regarding global non-proliferation and disarmament from one of the most successful cases of compliance worldwide: namely, Latin America.
Today, Latin America is one of the world's most compliant regions in nuclear non-proliferation and a key advocate of atomic disarmament. It was the first densely populated region in the world to become a nuclear-weapon-free zone; it hosts the only bilateral safeguard agency worldwide; and, it houses large reservoirs of uranium and other fissionable materials.
Historically, nonetheless, Latin America showed variation in state behaviour vis-à-vis nuclear affairs, with some countries being proactive within the non-proliferation regime and others distancing themselves from it. It is, therefore, a relevant case to consider when looking for lessons on global non-proliferation and disarmament.
Three lessons can be drawn from its experience: a broad understanding of confidence-building measures is vital to facilitate lasting trust among countries; institutional creativity is imperative in the nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament realms; and, good communication is crucial to compliance.
Latin America's experiences with non-proliferation and disarmament efforts can be applied to Europe, the Middle East, South Asia, and East Asia. Effective nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation depends on creating background conditions for cooperation, trust, and institutions. These elements must lead to a cognitive change in how people understand the nature of nuclear weapons.