Suchergebnisse

Pastoral counties of northern Kenya are expected to undergo massive change in the
coming years due to the government's ambitious infrastructural development agenda.
However, the area frequently experiences violence as a result of conflict between pastoralist communities, and also due to ethno-political contestations. Isiolo County is one
such place where planned development projects and conflict risks coincide, making it
an important case study for understanding how the future may unfold.
This Working Paper is written in the framework of a larger project called "Future Rural
Africa: Future-making and social-ecological transformation" by the Universities of
Bonn and Cologne and BICC (Bonn International Center for Conversion). BICC is interested in the kinds of claims that are being made on land and its resources and how
these may change the existing dynamics of organised violence. The Paper explores the
complexity of existing conflict in Isiolo and the emerging effects of new plans and land
claims. At its most basic level, conflict between pastoral groups, or between pastoralists
and farmers is motivated both by survival (pastoral mobility and access to water and
pasture in a climatically challenging area) and the accumulation of livestock wealth.
Politics, which is generally extended along ethnic lines, adds another layer to the inter-communal conflict through the need for political survival and the accumulation of
personal wealth. The devolution of many powers and budgets to county level since 2013
has then raised the stakes for political power. Since plans for infrastructure have been
made known, tensions have emerged, and fears of exclusion and dispossession of customary land users through speculative land-grabbing and uncompensated state acquisition. With Isiolo being a hub of the illicit small arms trade, guns have become a conflict
multiplier at every level.
The county is highly securitised with several specialised police units. However, they lack
capacity and their actions have tended to be either inadequate or overly reactive and
their relationship with communities is poor. As a result, day to day security of pastoralist
communities and their livestock relies on the rather informal and unprofessional
National Police Reserve, who are armed by the state, and community members, who
purchase their own arms through illicit markets. Politicians on occasion have also supplied arms and ammunition to communities. The Paper concludes that the various layers
of conflict should be considered and addressed simultaneously, and that development is
a new and potent factor in conflict at both political and community levels. A careful,
inclusive conflict-sensitive approach to development is essential, but this is unlikely to
happen if leaders look for personal power and gain.

The support provided to people in protracted displacement by development actors needs to be based on a thorough understanding of their existing livelihood strategies since these are an expression of their agency and encompass capabilities, (socio-cultural) preferences and networks as well as the needs and obstacles they face. These, together with the skills and expertise of members of the target group, need to be carefully documented and analysed through participatory methods before the start of any project or programme. People in protracted displacement pursue their livelihood strategies in and through complex social interactions, which are a crucial formative condition of their livelihood options. The delicate balance of social relations, especially in displacement contexts, can easily be off-set by external factors including development projects, for example if these are perceived to benefit some people more than others. Development interventions should, therefore, consider the social but also the generally relevant context to achieve a lasting effect and to prevent unintended harmful effects. Participation and ownership by well-trusted local partners as well as participation by the target groups are both vital to ensure a sustainable impact of the project. Not only state actors (both on national and sub-national levels), but also civilian non-state actors should be considered as implementing partners. Training, capacity-building and inclusion, i.e. consulting or employing people and institutions that will take over the work started by the project should be prioritised from the very beginning.

Re-instate a national body to ensure coordination and harmonization of policies across different sectors, which would help institutionalize a transparent national multi- stakeholder dialogue on energy planning. Include different interest groups in policy consultation and optimize domestic research capabilities to provide innovative solutions and evidence-based policy advice in addressing Tunisia's main energy transition challenges.
Assess local socio-economic impacts of energy projects through mandatory social impact studies. Ensure further effective local grievance mechanisms and independent judicial prosecution of pollution and threats to public health. Legally substantiate local governments' stake in the development and implementation of public and private energy projects with respect to their local impacts and adhere to legally required participatory processes and open governance principles. Use the technical potential of renewable energy to increase decentralized electricity production and encourage local communities and local governments to develop their own local energy projects.

Bei der Bleibeperspektive handelt es sich um eine bürokratische Kategorisierung, die im Widerspruch zur individuellen Prüfung von Fluchtgründen steht. Sie schafft Ungleichheiten zwischen Geflüchteten und schränkt Integration ein. Die Bundespolitik und –gesetzgebung muss die Selektion in Menschen mit "guter" bzw. "schlechter" Bleibeperspektive einstellen und allen Geflüchteten von Anfang an Zugang zu integrationspolitischen Maßnahmen gewähren. Die Integration geflüchteter Menschen in den Bereichen Sprache und Arbeit ist von zentraler Bedeutung. Die bundespolitische Ebene muss gesetzliche Grundlagen schaffen, die Sprach- und Integrationskurse von Anfang an ermöglicht und dabei auch die Unterschiede, die sich etwa aus Geschlecht, Alter oder dem Bildungshintergrund ergeben, berücksichtigen. Aufgehoben werden müssen die Vorrangprüfung und die 2016 beschlossene Wohn- sitzauflage, die beide die Arbeitsmarktintegration behindern. Auf kommunaler Ebene muss eine ausreichende sozialarbeiterische Betreuung gewährleistet werden.
Eine eigene Wohnung ist ein wichtiger Schritt zu einem selbstverantwortlichen Leben. Auf kommunaler Ebene ist die Unterbringung in Wohnungen bzw. abgeschlossenen Wohneinheiten Gemeinschaftsunterkünften vorzuziehen. Das Land Nordrhein-Westfalen und andere Bundesländer müssen an ihrer Politik festhalten, keine AnkER-Zentren einzurichten, da diese die Bewohner isolieren, zu Konflikten führen und der Integration entgegenstehen. Geflüchtete leben häufig getrennt von anderen Familienmitgliedern, die sich beispielsweise noch im Konfliktgebiet aufhalten. Die Restriktionen beim Familiennachzug können Integration behindern, da sie vielfältige materielle wie psychische Belastungen für die betroffenen Menschen schaffen. Die Länder sollten sich auf der Bundesebene dafür einsetzen, die Einschränkungen des Familiennachzugs abzubauen.

Despite the fact that expectations associated with the transition process in Myanmar are high - they must not compromise a detailed and objective analysis of the current realities. Development cooperation (DC) project strategies aiming to solve protracted refugee situations in Myanmar and its neighbouring countries must continuously monitor which causes of displacement continue to exist - unchanged or in a different form - to react adequately and flexibly on them. The framework prescribed by the Constitution and the currently prevailing power structures reinforce the marginalization of internally displaced people and returnees in Myanmar. If the international community wants to adopt countermeasures, it must raise up the protection of human rights, reintegration and compensation measures to binding indicators of success for its coordinated and coherent DC-measures. By supplying legal advice on conflicts about land rights and the depletion of resources, DC can contribute to creating legal certainty for IDPs and refugees again. DC can also help to expand existing health and education infrastructure in those areas that have not been accessible to the government for a long time and that are controlled by armed groups. This infrastructure will benefit host communities, internally displaced people and refugees alike. Protracted displacement has led to transnational labour migration, diversification, networking and urbanization. DC needs realistic scenarios that not only include refugee repatriation but also take into account social change. Binational training opportunities (for instance with Thailand) and labour market initiatives would open up sustainable income perspectives to refugees and migrants within the resprective country and contribute to the economic development of both countries.

In fragile and conflict-affected settings (FCAS), largescale infrastructure projects often connect areas under various forms of rule. Donor agencies and development banks should demand from contractors conducting feasibility studies to include conflictsensitive employment (CSE) strategies for those parts of the infrastructure project that are affected by violent conflict.
In addition to available international procurement guidelines, donor agencies and development banks should require bidders to outline a CSE strategy. They should demand from bidders a convincing calculation of the costs of CSE, especially in comparison to the costs of anticipated security measures for the duration of the project, its maintenance and protection for a specified period (at least five years) after completion. The CSE framework (Grawert et al., 2017) should be attached to the tender as a guideline.
As changes in control over areas and settings of armed conflict are common in FCAS, conditions for company operations in large-scale infrastructure building will change, too. While bidders' contingency plans should include such potential changes, donor agencies or development banks should allow for budget adjustments if these changes exceed the anticipated volume of the project.
Local companies often are familiar with local power relations and able to assess project risks in local areas realistically. Donor agencies and development banks should require from bidders an initial outline of units that will have to be constructed by local companies, and bidders should detail the envisaged CSE strategies.
Donor-funded skills upgrading measures could enable local companies to carry out part of the operations required for the large-scale infrastructure project. Such projects will thus become development corridors that enhance mobility and communication as well as professional qualification of the local inhabitants.

This Knowledge Note is an outcome of a practitioners' workshop held at the German Federal Foreign Office in Berlin on 26/27 February 2018. Among its 29 participants were 19 practitioners from West and southern Africa, United Nations organizations, European Union institutions and EU member states as well as 10 leading researchers and consultants. The present publication aims to identify practical lessons learned in civilian disarmament and cooperation across borders to stop trafficking in firearms. It draws on the knowledge and experience of practitioners at the Berlin workshop in order to help other practitioners. Its intended audience consists of people who plan, design and manage projects to control small arms, as well as officials involved in making policy.
Bearing this audience in mind, this Knowledge Note begins with the lessons learned in civilian disarmament and the trafficking in small arms and light weapons (sections 2 and 3). It then focusses on points raised during the workshop that illustrate the lessons or adds to them (section 4). Section 5 reflects on the difference between gun control and arms control.
In its conclusions (section 6), the Knowledge Note shows that lessons learned will only make a real difference if they are widely shared, taught and applied.

The potential of renewable energies (REs) goes beyond their contribution to mitigating climate and energy security concerns. Renewables have a high potential for societal support. Different Moroccan stakeholders from policy and decision-making institutions, civil society, academia, youth and industry prefer renewables-based electricity-generating technologies over conventional non-renewables-based technologies. To harness the full potential of societal support of the RE potential in Morocco, small and medium scale RE projects ought to be encouraged in parallel to large-scale projects.
There is an intrinsic benefit in streamlining the Moroccan electricity sector transformation process with societal preferences. It helps to foster a sense of ownership among Moroccan citizens. It also permits policymakers and project developers to count on societal support for the policies and the different energy projects. Moroccan stakeholders from policy and decision-making institutions, civil society, academia, youth and industry share and support the national vision of "a low carbon and climate change resilient development" but differ on the priorities of how to achieve it. Over the long term, Moroccan stakeholders have a strong preference for replacing fossil energy sources by REs. Reducing import dependency and lowering electricity costs play a decisive role in these preferences. The stakeholders have even opted for a 100 per cent renewable energy scenario by 2050, whereby the largest share would be provided by wind and solar energy. Such a scenario underscores three of the key sustainability criteria deemed of high importance to the Moroccan stakeholders namely energy independence, electricity costs and water consumption.
In future implementation plans of the Moroccan National Energy Strategy, the societal dimension, i.e. the various impacts that the energy strategy will have on society and its different social groups at various levels ought to be empahsized. Beyond the techno– economic effects of the energy strategy on the national level, it has potential societal impacts on the well-being of the communities in the vicinity of the planned power plants. These impacts range from on-site job creation to physical safety, health and air pollution as well as pressure on local land and water security. In Morocco, renewable energies have a high potential of achieving the balance between negative and positive impacts both on the local and national levels compared to non-renewables.

NATO member states should expel Turkey from membership unless, it withdraws its troops from Syria. To secure the northern border, the UN could offer the immediate deployment of troops to Afrin, which could be extended to a Grand Bargain for other oppositioncontrolled areas. This deal would have to include Russia.
Provided that major alliances among the armed opposition consent, shared responsibility for protection by the UN and Russia provides an opportunity for ceasefires, the deployment of UN blue helmets, a reformed state system without Assad and deradicalization programmes. It could be achieved through a Grand Bargain. If Russia is to change its role from an aggressor to that of a mediator, the attacks in eastern Ghouta, Idlib, Hama countryside and elsewhere must stop with immediate effect. The strategic forced relocation of radical fighters by the regime alliances to areas controlled by the Free Syrian Army (FSA), for instance, leads to local populations being terrorized. Growing poverty and financial incentives draw fighters towards extremist groups. Expertise by Russia and the United Nations must be combined to develop and implement de-radicalization programmes if further escalation of terror is to be stopped locally and globally. The moderate civil-political opposition, e. g. Higher Negotiation Committee should be a key actor to shape political reform in the Grand Bargain and to create an internationally acceptable democratic and inclusive framework. Donors should, therefore, continue the financial and ideational support of the opposition. This support, however, ought to be coordinated and allow for self-determined prioritisation of needs (e.g. legal advice, negotiation training).

Le potentiel des énergies renouvelables (ER) va bien audelà de leur contribution à la réduction des problèmes en matière de changement climatique et de sécurité énergétique. ER bénéficient d'un haut potentiel de soutien de la part de la société. Bien des acteurs marocains issus des institutions politiques et décisionnaires, de la société civile, du monde universitaire, de la jeunesse et de l'industrie, privilégient les technologies de production de ER par rapport aux technologies fossiles. Pour exploiter pleinement le potentiel des ER et du soutien dont elles bénéficient de la société marocaine, il convient d'encourager des projets de petite et moyenne envergure parallèlement aux projets à grande échelle. Assurer la cohérence du processus de transformation du secteur électrique avec l'appui de la société comporte un avantage indiscutable: cela permet de mieux encourager l'appropriation de ce processus par les citoyens; cela permet également aux décideurs politiques et aux développeurs de projets de compter sur le soutien de la société en matière de politique et de projets énergétiques. Les acteurs marocains partagent et soutiennent la vision nationale d'un "développement pauvre en carbone et résistant aux changements climatiques" mais ils divergent sur les priorités et la manière d'y parvenir. Sur le long terme, les parties prenantes ont une préférence marquée pour le remplacement des sources d'énergie fossile par les ER. La réduction de la dépendance vis-àvis des importations et la baisse du coût de l'électricité jouent un rôle décisif dans ces préférences. Les parties prenantes ont même opté pour un scénario 100 % énergie renouvelable d'ici 2050, dont la part la plus importante serait assurée par les énergies éolienne et solaire. Ce scénario met en avant trois critères clés de durabilité, jugés de la plus haute importance par les parties prenantes: l'indépendance énergétique, le coût de l'électricité et la consommation d'eau. Les futurs plans de mise en œuvre intitulés "Stratégie Energétique Nationale" doivent mettre en avant la dimension sociale. Au-delà de ses effets technico- économiques sur le plan national, la stratégie énergétique a des effets sociaux potentiels sur le bien-être des communautés habitant à proximité des centrales électriques programmées. Ces effets vont de la création d'emplois sur place à la sécurité physique, la santé et la pollution de l'air en passant par la contrainte exercée sur les terres locales et sur la sécurité hydrique. Les énergies renouvelables sont en passe d'atteindre un équilibre entre les effets négatifs et positifs, tant sur le plan local que national, comparé aux énergies fossiles.

Auch wenn die mit dem Transitionsprozess in Myanmar verbundenen Hoffnungen groß waren - sie dürfen die eingehende und nüchterne Analyse der aktuellen Situation nicht beeinträchtigen. EZ Projekt-Strategien zur Lösung der anhaltenden Fluchtsituation in Myanmar und den Anrainerstaaten müssen fortlaufend überwachen, ob und welche Fluchtursachen weiterhin - unverändert oder in anderer Form - fortbestehen, um flexibel und angemessen darauf zu reagieren. Der von der Verfassung und den momentanen Machtverhältnissen vorgegebene Rahmen zementiert die Ausgrenzung von Binnenvertriebenen und Rückkehrern in Myanmar. Wenn die internationale Gemeinschaft gegensteuern will, müssen die Wahrung der Menschenrechte sowie Reintegrations- oder Entschädigungsmaßnahmen in transparenter Weise zu verbindlichen Erfolgsindikatoren international koordinierter und kohärenter EZ-Maßnahmen erhoben werden. Durch rechtsberatende Maßnahmen bei Konflikten um Landrechte und den Abbau von Ressourcen kann die EZ dazu beitragen, Rechtssicherheit für IDPs und Flüchtlinge neu aufzubauen. In von den bewaffneten Gruppen kontrollierten und der Regierung lange nicht zugänglichen Gebieten kann sie helfen, existierende Gesundheits- und Bildungsinfrastruktur auszubauen, die den Aufnahmegemeinden, Binnenvertriebenen und Flüchtlingen gleichermaßen zugutekommt. Jahrzehntelange Vertreibungen haben zu transnationaler Arbeitsmigration, Diversifizierung, Vernetzung und Urbanisierung geführt. Die EZ braucht realistische Szenarien, die nicht nur die Rückkehr von Flüchtlingen beinhalten, sondern den erfolgten sozialen Wandel in Rechnung stellen. Binationale Ausbildungsangebote (z. B. mit Thailand) und Arbeitsmarktmaßnahmen würden Flüchtlingen und Migranten nachhaltige Einkommensperspektiven im jeweils anderen Land eröffnen und zur wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung beider Länder beitragen.

Auffanglager dürfen nur eine Übergangslösung darstellen. Mittelfristig ist ein rascher Übergang zu "Cash for Rent"-Modellen unter dem Dach einer internationalen Organisation, wie zum Beispiel den Vereinten Nationen, nötig. Um langfristig integrative wirtschaftliche Anreize zu schaffen, sollten Mietzuschüsse von Anfang an gewährt und mit beruflicher Bildung, Hochschulbildung und "Cash for Work"-Modellen kombiniert werden. Die Bewertung der regionalen oder lokalen Daseinsvorsorge muss mit profunden Konflikt- und Marktanalysen verknüpft werden. Darauf basierend sollten Erwerbsgrundlagen und Märkte (neu) aufgebaut werden. Statt zu einem ineffizientem Wirtschaftssystem zurückzukehren, gilt es kleine und mittlere Unternehmen besonders zu fördern. Maßnahmen der Regionalregierungen zu Förderung von lokaler Integration und Reintegration sollten gefördert werden. Dafür muss in den Aufnahmegemeinschaften die erforderliche zusätzliche Infrastruktur (Wohnungsbau / Bildung / Gesundheit) geschaffen werden. Dadurch würde die Solidarität mit den Geflüchteten honoriert werden, anstatt soziale Spannungen durch Beschränkung von Hilfe auf besonders schutzbedürftige Gruppen zu erhöhen. Minderheiten- und Menschenrechtsgarantien, (Wieder-)Eingliederungsprojekte und gute Regierungsführung sollten zur Voraussetzung für Hilfeleistungen gemacht werden. Um die Aussöhnung voranzutreiben, sollten alle Aktivitäten mit vertrauensbildenden Maßnahmen verknüpft werden. Im Rahmen von Infrastrukturprojekten sollten Räume der Begegnung zwischen Aufnahmegemeinschaften und Vertriebenen ausgebaut werden. Dabei sind allerdings traditionelle Strukturen ethnisch- religiöser Koexistenz zu berücksichtigen. Traumata sind weit verbreitet und müssen bei allen Projekten in entsprechenden psychosozialen Maßnahmen Berücksichtigung finden.

Before considering cantonment, it is of utmost importance to reach widespread agreement in society and parliament on political principles guiding the mid-term transformation of the country's security sector (e.g. ethnic inclusion, militia integration and professionalization) as these will guide the reorganization and demobilization of armed forces. Since many opposition groups are not represented in the current peace process, the cantonment of forces that are party to the peace agreement would be of limited effect as main conflict drivers are left out. On the contrary, the process can even deepen exclusion. To avoid this, the High-Level Revitalization Forum needs to generate inclusive dialogue with the opposition movements - even those that are non-signatories to the ARCSS. Force assembly applies to the opposition as much as to the SPLA-In Government. The ongoing debate in Juba about cantonment, however, only addresses the assembly of SPLA-In Opposition. The transitional government needs to send a strong signal that it is serious about force assembly by moving its troops back to the barracks. From an economic perspective, resource-intensive, long-term programmes linked to cantonment are not feasible. These may also have adverse consequences from a peace perspective as they encourage new armed groups to join the fighting.

Camps can only be a strictly short-term solution. In the mid-term, cash-for-rent schemes under the roof of an international organization such as the United Nations are necessary. Add rent subsidies from the beginning and combine vocational training, higher education and cash-for-work schemes in parallel to create inclusive economic incentives in the long run. Connect profound conflict and market analyses to (re-)build sustainable livelihood activities and markets. Rather than returning to an inefficient economic system, small- and medium-sized enterprises ought to be promoted. Foster local integration and reintegration policies of regional governments by creating the necessary additional infrastructure (housing/education/health) in destination communities as a compensation for the solidarity of hosting populations rather than increasing social tensions by targeting specific groups - such as vulnerable persons. Reward minority/human rights guarantees, (re-) integration projects and good government practice by making them a prerequisite for assistance. Frame all activities with inter-community trustbuilding activities intended to foster reconciliation. Infrastructure projects should create spaces that connect hosts and displaced persons while respecting traditional structures of ethno-religious co-existence amongst different communities. Traumata are prevalent and have to be addressed in all projects by providing respective psychosocial support.

Die deutsche Asyl-und Einwanderungspolitik soll neu gestaltet werden. Darüber herrscht weitgehende Einigkeit zwischen den Parteien, die sich Hoffnungen auf einen Einzug in den Deutschen Bundestag am 24. September 2017 machen. Der Autor, Wissenschaftler am BICC, fragt kritisch nach, ob das viel zitierte "Vorbild Kanada" auch für Deutschland taugt. Als ein Vorbild für die Neugestaltung der deutschen Asyl- und Einwanderungspolitik gilt derzeit für viele Kanada mit seiner strikten Trennung von Arbeitsmigration und Asyl, seinem quotengesteuerten Punktesystem und seinen umfangreichen humanitären Umsiedlungsprogrammen. Die SPD erwähnt das kanadische Modell sogar wörtlich in ihrem Wahlprogramm. Auch Vertreter der Grünen, der FDP und selbst der AfD bezogen sich in Interviews auf dieses Vorbild. Lediglich die Linke lehnt aus humanitären Gründen eine Trennung von Flucht und Arbeitsmigration sowie Quotenregelungen strikt ab. Doch wie funktioniert die kanadische Asyl- und Migrationspolitik eigentlich und eignet sie sich als Vorbild für Deutschland?