Suchergebnisse

Per diverso tempo, dopo la firma degli Accordi Generali di Pace (AGP) a Roma, il 4 ottobre del 1992, fra il governo mozambicano guidato dal FRELIMO (Fronte di Liberazione del Mozambico) e la RENAMO (Resistenza Nazionale del Mozambico), una buona parte della comunità internazionale e accademica aveva considerato il Mozambico come un raro caso di successo in Africa. La realtà si è rivelata assai più complessa rispetto alle previsioni iniziali, nonostante l'illusione di un paese pacificato e sulla via di una democrazia stabile sia stata propagandata a lungo, anche a causa di un incremento medio annuo del PIL pari al 7,2% fra il 2000 e il 20161. Questo studio offre una riflessione su come la "transizione" dalla Prima alla Seconda Repubblica – ossia da uno Stato socialista con un regime a partito unico a uno democratico e multipartitico, non abbia seguito il percorso che era stato auspicato e previsto durante tutti gli anni Novanta e per buona parte del nuovo secolo. Al contrario, vi è stata una deriva autoritaria associata a nuovi conflitti interni. Non si è trattato di un fenomeno improvviso, ma costante, a partire dal 2009 circa fino a oggi, come tutti i principali indicatori su democrazia, libertà di espressione, diritti umani evidenziano.

Mozambique has long been considered a political success story in Africa. Nevertheless, it was clear from the signing of the General Peace Agreement in 1992 and the first general elections in 1994 that the official narrative of this success hid severe problems. The major challenge for Mozambican democracy has been the management of the electoral process. With little transparency and not much evidence of legal process, the consequence has been the repeated resurgence of political tensions and military clashes between Renamo and the Frelimo-led national Government. This paper seeks to explore the relationship between 'negative peace' and the lack of transparency in Mozambican electoral processes, whose main consequence is an 'endless transition' towards a 'normal' model of democracy.



Luca Bussotti, Associate Visiting Professor, Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, Brazil. Associate Researcher, Centro dos Estudos Internacionais, Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (CEI-IUL), Portugal. Email: labronicus@gmail.com

Despite the different interpretations on the origins and a possible way to manage the Islamic terrorism in Africa, a thing is clear: this phenomenon gained importance in the last few years. Data of ACLED show that in 2015 Africa registered 381 attacks, which resulted in 1.394 fatalities; five years later the number increased to 7.108 attacks and 12.519 fatalities (Mroszczyk & Abrahms, 2021). It is not difficult to deduce that Islamic terrorism was not managed appropriately by the African States. It is the case of countries as Nigeria with Boko Haram, Somalia with Al-Shabaab, Mozambique with Ansar-al-Sunna, with links with the Central African Province of the Islamic State.

Este artigo analisa a cobertura da imprensa moçambicana, especificamente do jornal Notícias, relativo às doenças não transmissíveis (DNT). O texto se inscreve em uma moldura teórica dupla: por um lado, no seio da comunicação para saúde "contextualizada"; por outro, no agendamento político da cobertura de imprensa controlada pelo Estado em países de democracia limitada, como Moçambique. A pesquisa foi do tipo exploratória e, em termos metodológicos, primeiro, foi feito um levantamento quantitativo da amostra de artigos do Notícias sobre DNT, de 2006 até 2018; a seguir, usou-se a análise do discurso aplicada aos artigos julgados mais significativos; finalmente, foram realizadas entrevistas junto a testemunhas-chave que complementaram a pesquisa. Os resultados apontaram para uma elevada politização da cobertura das doenças não transmissíveis. As entrevistas realizadas confirmaram tais conclusões, enfatizando, porém, a importância de uma análise contextual: a linha editorial do Notícias foi sim centrada no protagonismo de importantes figuras públicas comprometidas com a luta contra tais doenças, mas essa foi a única forma julgada possível para iniciar a abordagem das DNT na imprensa pública. ; This article analyzes the coverage of Mozambican press, in particular, of the newspaper Notícias, regarding the topic of non-communicable diseases. The study uses a two-step approach; the first approach is embedded into the "contextualized" health communication theory, the second in the agenda-setting theory applied to the coverage of state-controlled press in limited democratic countries, such as Mozambique. This exploratory research adopted, as its methodology, firstly a quantitative analysis of the whole population of the articles on non-communicable diseases (NCD) that appeared in the newspaper Notícias for the period 2006-2018. A survey of the most meaningful articles was subjected to the discourse analysis, complemented by interviewing witnesses that had access to confidential information. The results showed a high politicization of the coverage of NCD. The incorporation of the interviews confirmed such conclusions, emphasizing the importance of a contextualized analysis: the editorial line of Notícias showed a dependency to the engagement of important public figures committed to combating such diseases; nevertheless, it was the only possible way to begin to approach DNT in public press.

NGOENHA, Severino 2019. Lomuku. Maputo: Publifix Edições.

If one seeks to rent a house for spending some months in a European city, or just some days on holiday, an aspect becomes immediately clear: the quasi-monopoly of an on-line platform, which proposes interesting and innovative solutions, from an entire apartment to a single room.
This on-line platform is Airbnb, created in 2007 in San Francisco and which in 2009 assumed the current denomination. Airbnb operates in 200 countries and about 8.100 cities, launching 5 million announcements yearly and hosting – through its associated structures – about 300 million people per year (Rubino, 2018), having reached in 2018 the target of 500 million people (AIRBNB, 2019).

Risk management and risk communication affect everybody's daily life. Local authorities have the duty to manage public structures, to inform civilians of the risks coming from these structures, to implement prophylaxis procedures. Military storage sites are fully included in this category. This article presents – through a qualitative methodology based on risk analysis – how risk management and communication in weapons and ammunition warehouses is managed in a "partially free" country, using as a case-study, the Malhazine depot in Mozambique, which resulted in more than 100 deaths. In 2007, an extraordinary accident related to the management of obsolete conventional weapons occurred at the Malazhine warehouse. In this circumstance, the Mozambican Government adopted a policy of classifying the information "highly confidential". This policy aimed at obscuring facts and responsibilities by hiding the causes of such a huge tragedy. This article concludes with the consideration that a high level of confidentiality in treating issues of public interest, such as the one kept in regard to Malhazine, does not help public authorities to effectively manage and prevent similar risks from occurring again, with resulting negative impacts on local populations. Keywords: military storage, Malhazine, local authorities, confidentiality.

The management of individuals or communities different from the prevalent religious, ethnic, linguistic, political or sexual groups has always been one of the most problematic issues faced by national States. The liberal conception of State privileges individual in detriment of collective entities as a subject of right, excluding a priori community rights.
Historical linguistic groups represent one of the most ancient and complicated questions for testing the capacity of a National State to manage domestic differences, since they have been seen as a threat to the process of unification and nationalization of the masses and individualization of the right.

In this article the author aims at analysing the evolution of Mozambican journalism, since 1990 (when the new Constitution was approved) until today. The key hypothesis is that Mozambican journalism has been strictly related to Mozambican democracy, and that in 1999-2000 there has been important facts which have determined the option for different avenues from the side of private and public press. After giving a short framework on the political situation in Mozambique, the article focuses its attention on the legal basis of Mozambican media freedom, stressing the limitations that, till today, it continues to register.

This article aims at verifying the way in which the Mozambican press covered the environmental risk caused by the activity of the multinational Mozal (Mozambique Aluminium). This company worked without filters, for 137 days, between 2010 and 2011, emitting polluting gases directly into the air ("Bypass"). The investigation intends to understand how the two main Mozambican daily newspapers, "Notícias" and "O País", approached this issue. The methodology used has been quantitative (i.e. the number of articles edited and the sources used) as well as qualitative (i.e. content analysis, with the help of conceptual semantic maps) in nature. The theoretical basis of the research was the Social Amplification of Risk Framework (SARF). The investigation showed that the coverage, instead of clarifying the real environmental risks arising from the Bypass, was used for political leverage either in favour of or against the decisions of the Government. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo examinar el modo en que la prensa de Mozambique ha hecho cubrimiento del riesgo ambiental causado por la actividad de la multinacional Mozal (Mozambique aluminio). Esta empresa trabajó sin filtros, por 137 días, entre 2010 y 2011, emitiendo gases contaminantes directamente al aire ("Bypass"). La investigación tuvo como fin dar a conocer la aproximación que los dos diarios principales de Mozambique, "Notícias" y "O País", tuvieron en torno a este tema. Se utilizó la metodología cuantitativa (el número de artículos editados y las fuentes utilizadas), así como la cualitativa (análisis de contenido, con la ayuda de mapas conceptuales y semánticos). La base teórica de la investigación fue la Amplificación Social del Marco de Riesgo (SARF).La investigación determina, que el cubrimiento por parte de la prensa, en lugar de aclarar el tema del riesgo ambiental derivado por la actividad de la multinacional, se utiliza más bien, como palanca política, ya sea a favor o en contra de las decisiones del Gobierno.