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Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- List of Acronyms -- Preface -- 1 Introduction: Why Is Welfare a Dilemma for American Politics? -- Definition of Terms -- Myths About Welfare -- Problems with Welfare -- The Dilemma: Can We Help Those in Poverty Without Causing Dependence on Government Programs? -- 2 A Brief History of Welfare in the United States -- The Roots of Welfare: From the Elizabethan Poor Law to Colonial America -- From the Poorhouse to Progressivism -- Welfare As We Knew It -- Ending Welfare As We Knew It -- Conclusion -- 3 Welfare Reform in the Policymaking Process -- The Agenda-Setting Process for Welfare -- Welfare Policy Formulation -- Legitimation of Welfare Policy -- 4 Welfare Policy in American Politics: From Rhetoric to Reform -- The Problem of Poverty -- How the Welfare Debate Moved to the Right -- Critiques of Welfare As We Knew It -- The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act -- Conclusion -- 5 Implementation and Beyond: The Present and Future of Welfare Reform -- Welfare Reform Legislation -- Implementation Issues -- The Dilemma Revisited -- Conclusion -- Discussion Questions -- Glossary -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- K -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- W -- Notes -- References -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W

Covid-19 presented a major external shock to the United States governmental system . The system itself, crafted in the 18th century, was not designed to easily absorb this shock . The U .S . government is divided by the Constitution in two important ways: through a system of federalism in which state power vies with federal power, and through a separated system at the national level in which Congress, the President and the Supreme Court wrestle with each other over lawmaking and policy authority . By 2019, the system was stymied by increasing partisan polarization, magnified by the Presidency of Donald Trump . Responses to Coronavirus would have to be shepherded through a labyrinthian path and would face horizontal (separated powers) and vertical (state, federal, local) challenges, in addition to partisan wrangling . At a more micro level Congress itself faced, in addition to all of the hurdles already mentioned, specific problems in what could be termed "capacity" . Congres- sional policymaking relies on physical presence—in committees, on the floor, in party cau- cuses and in member organizations—to get its business done . With the nation and the world facing quarantines, lockdowns and stay-at-home orders, how could Congress main- tain physical presence? Should it? What alternatives might there be? Along with the rest of the country, Congressional staff adjusted to working from home . Maintaining national security during remote work would be problematic, certainly, but even more basic prob- lems were exposed as it came to light that many congressional offices lacked the technology and equipment to provide staffers with secure means to get their jobs done from remote locations . Covid-19 made clear that the United States Congress was facing 21st Century problems in an organization with 20th (or even 19th or 18th) century procedures and structures . How could it respond to the immediate problem? And, perhaps more importantly, what would be the path forward once the country moved past the crisis?

Considers the role of the economy in the 2000 US presidential elections with an eye toward discerning why voter forecasting models that rely on economic retrospective voting theories were unable to predict the election results. Relevant economic issues in the election are delineated, & economic retrospective voting & the models' predictions for the 2000 election are discussed. The election is examined in this light, providing six explanations that may account for the inadequacy of the forecasting: (1) Al Gore won the popular vote, so the models did work. (2) A third-party candidate, Ralph Nader, undermined Gore's chances. (3) The economy lacks salience with the voters. (4) Gore ran a bad campaign. (5) The models might have worked with a different mix of variables. (6) Some unique dimension of the 2000 election rendered the models ineffective. It is concluded that the economy was not the only reason for the outcome of the 2000 elections. 1 Table. J. Zendejas

AbstractThe literature on women in state legislatures has grown dramatically over the last few decades, examining in detail their personal characteristics, behavior, and the impact they have had on state legislatures. Highlighted throughout this body of work are the many ways in which these female officials differ from their male colleagues. While it may once have been necessary to identify and categorize women legislators, we now need to broaden our research to examine both the diversity among women state legislators and the contexts in which they may or may not make a difference. This broader focus should include analyses of state-level forces, such as legislative professionalism and state political culture, and it should also investigate more thoroughly policy outcomes and processes. Interactions between gender and other social forces, such as race, ethnicity, and class, should also be explored in greater depth. This new direction would build on the richness of the existing literature and allow the two fields of women in politics and state politics to better inform and contribute to each other.

The literature on women in state legislatures has grown dramatically over the last few decades, examining in detail their personal characteristics, behavior, & the impact they have had on state legislatures. Highlighted throughout this body of work are the many ways in which these female officials differ from their male colleagues. While it may once have been necessary to identify & categorize women legislators, we now need to broaden our research to examine both the diversity among women state legislators & the contexts in which they may or may not make a difference. This broader focus should include analyses of state-level forces, such as legislative professionalism & state political culture, & it should also investigate more thoroughly policy outcomes & processes. Interactions between gender & other social forces, such as race, ethnicity, & class, should also be explored in greater depth. This new direction would build on the richness of the existing literature & allow the two fields of women in politics & state politics to better inform & contribute to each other. 74 References. Adapted from the source document.

This book applies the broader debate in the field of political science over the advantages of a parliamentary system to the case of the United States. It asks whether it is better for a democracy to function under a parliamentary or presidential system. Using the example of a parliamentary alternative to the American presidential system, Checks and Balances? How a Parliamentary System Could Change American Politics illustrates how the Constitutional system of checks and balances functions, including the separation of powers and the legislative process. This book is designed to help American readers better understand their own form of government, while expanding their knowledge of other governments.