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A hierarchical logistic model is used to analyze data on Three Strikes-eligible offenders in California and the counties in which they are sentenced. The analysis finds that discretion is widely exercised by elected prosecutors and judges in the administration of Three Strikes. Discretion functions as a "safety valve" and preserves some sentencing proportionality, but may also allow political concerns to influence sentencing decisions. A more conservative political environment is strongly associated with stricter application of the law. Consistent with racial threat theory, eligible felons are more likely to receive Three Strikes sentences in counties with larger Latino populations. However, the size of the black population has no significant effect. Higher unemployment rates are associated with more stringent application of the law. Prosecutorial and judicial discretion benefits offenders unequally. Controlling for legally relevant factors, black offenders are more likely to receive Three Strikes sentences, while younger ones are less likely.

Three Strikes and You're Out ("Three Strikes") laws mandate long sentences for certain habitual offenders, usually 25 years to life in prison for third-time violent offenders. Since 1993, Three Strikes has been implemented for federal offenses and in at least 25 states.

ObjectivesThis article investigates the extent to which contextual and individual factors influence the length of prison sentences in California.MethodsThe analysis applies a hierarchical linear model to individual and county‐level data.ResultsSome characteristics of the racial, organizational, and public safety environments are found to influence the length of prison terms.ConclusionsThe findings support the organizational maintenance perspective and the idea of minority incarceration as a response to a perceived crime threat. Political environment is not found to have a significant effect on sentence lengths, and the findings do not support the racial threat hypothesis. The effects of contextual factors are more modest than those of individual attributes, including legally relevant variables, such as offense severity, prior record, parole status, and three strikes eligibility. African‐American and younger offenders receive longer sentences, but this effect is not found for Latinos. Substantive, methodological, and policy implications are discussed.

Objectives This article investigates the extent to which contextual and individual factors influence the length of prison sentences in California. Methods The analysis applies a hierarchical linear model to individual and county-level data. Results Some characteristics of the racial, organizational, and public safety environments are found to influence the length of prison terms. Conclusions The findings support the organizational maintenance perspective and the idea of minority incarceration as a response to a perceived crime threat. Political environment is not found to have a significant effect on sentence lengths, and the findings do not support the racial threat hypothesis. The effects of contextual factors are more modest than those of individual attributes, including legally relevant variables, such as offense severity, prior record, parole status, and three strikes eligibility. African-American and younger offenders receive longer sentences, but this effect is not found for Latinos. Substantive, methodological, and policy implications are discussed.

E-mail provides many benefits to local elected officials, but its usefulness is limited by certain problems and concerns. Using a survey of 184 elected city and county representatives, this paper discusses the main issues identified by local officials as areas where improvement is desired in e-mail communication. 'Spam' is the most frequently cited problem. Complaints also arise regarding the volume, content, clarity, and tone of e-mail correspondence. Concerns about e-mail privacy, 'public record,' and open meetings limit e-mail communication. Substantive limitations and procedural constraints may present more formidable obstacles than technological shortcomings.

E-mail provides many benefits to local elected officials, but its usefulness is limited by certain problems and concerns. Using a survey of 184 elected city and county representatives, this paper discusses the main issues identified by local officials as areas where improvement is desired in e-mail communication. "Spam" is the most frequently cited problem. Complaints also arise regarding the volume, content, clarity, and tone of e-mail correspondence. Concerns about e-mail privacy, "public record," and open meetings limit e-mail communication. Substantive limitations and procedural constraints may present more formidable obstacles than technological shortcomings. Adapted from the source document. COPIES ARE AVAILABLE FROM: HAWORTH DOCUMENT DELIVERY CENTER, The Haworth Press, Inc., 10 Alice Street, Binghamton, NY 13904-1580

Using survey data collected from 184 local elected officials, this paper investigates how frequently local political officials use e-mail, and how important they consider e-mail, compared with telephone calls, postal mail, faxes, and meetings. Among all forms of communication, only phone calls are initiated with a similar rate of frequency as e-mail messages. E-mail is rated as important as telephone calls and meetings, and more important than letters and faxes. E-mail is used more heavily by representatives from professional county boards and city councils, but regarded as more important, relative to other communication methods, by members of non-professional city councils. Despite e-mail's limitations, it is a powerful and useful tool for 'virtual representatives.". Adapted from the source document. COPIES ARE AVAILABLE FROM: HAWORTH DOCUMENT DELIVERY CENTER, The Haworth Press, Inc., 10 Alice Street, Binghamton, NY 13904-1580

Using survey data collected from 184 local elected officials, this paper investigates how frequently local political officials use e-mail, and how important they consider e-mail, compared with telephone calls, postal mail, faxes, and meetings. Among all forms of communication, only phone calls are initiated with a similar rate of frequency as e-mail messages. E-mail is rated as important as telephone calls and meetings, and more important than letters and faxes. E-mail is used more heavily by representatives from professional county boards and city councils, but regarded as more important, relative to other communication methods, by members of non-professional city councils. Despite e-mail's limitations, it is a powerful and useful tool for "virtual representatives."

The use of electronic mail has grown explosively in the past decade. A recent study estimated that about 117 million American adults use e-mail and that over 30 billion e-mail messages are transmitted each day.1 E-mail surpassed postal mail in prevalence several years ago. An estimated 4 trillion e-mail messages were transmitted in 1998, compared with about 101 billion pieces of paper mail.2 Forty-two percent of adults check e-mail daily. The average business employee sends 20 e-mail messages and receives 30 e-mails a day.3 Nearly every political office has a Web site and e-mail address.

AbstractIn 2012, California's voters passed a ballot initiative that scaled back the state's "Three Strikes" sentencing law and permitted certain individuals who were serving 25‐to‐life prison terms to petition for resentencing and potentially release. Using analysis of original qualitative interview data supplemented with court administrative records, this study examines how characteristics of courtroom workgroup members; their intergroup dynamics; political, professional, and administrative considerations; and allocated resources were perceived by court officials to facilitate or impede the implementation of this reform in county courts. Availability of staff and budget was associated with a higher proportion of completed case dispositions in the first 2 years of implementation, but resources were not the only factor associated with timely case processing. Courtroom actors' seniority, experience, and professional security facilitated agreement on processes, schedules, and other details. Small, stable, close‐knit groups established routine procedures and developed expertise more quickly, but could not always avoid bottlenecks or delays. Less stable workgroups had higher rates of denial of petitions for resentencing. Positions toward Proposition 36 shaped by political, professional, or other priorities were perceived to influence some elected DAs' positions and line prosecutors' behavior, manifesting in cooperation, opposition, or mixed messages.

Through the process of record clearance, individuals can have certain minor convictions removed from their criminal records or designated as expunged. This study analyzes data gathered from semi-structured interviews with 40 persons with past criminal convictions to examine the expectations of individuals who seek record clearance and the extent to which completion of the process facilitates efforts to reintegrate into society and desist from crime. The analysis finds that record clearance benefits ex-offenders through external effects, such as the reduction of barriers to employment, and internal processes, such as the facilitation of cognitive transformation and the affirmation of a new identity. These benefits accrue from both the outcomes of the record clearance process and from the process itself. Increased availability of inexpensive or free opportunities for expungement can contribute to more successful reintegration of persons with criminal convictions into the workforce, families, and communities. Not only would this improve quality of life for the ex-offenders, but it could also increase public safety and reduce public spending.

Cover -- BEYOND RECIDIVISM -- Title -- Copyright -- CONTENTS -- Introduction -- PART I: IMPROVING ON DEFINITIONS AND MEASURES OF RECIDIVISM -- 1. Beyond Recidivism: Toward Accurate, Meaningful, and Comprehensive Data Collection on the Progress of Individuals Reentering Society -- 2. Community Capacity-Building and Implementation Advances to Addressing the RNR Framework -- PART II: RESEARCHING REENTRY: METHODS OF REENTRY RESEARCH -- 3. Conducting In-Depth Interviews with Jailed Fathers and Their Family Members -- 4. Collecting Social Network Data in Prison and during Reentry: A Field Guide -- 5. Interviewing the "Rabble Class": Recruitment and Retention in Studies of Prisoner Reentry -- PART III: FRAMEWORKS AND CONCEPTUAL CONSIDERATIONS -- 6. The Promise of Unpacking the Black/White Dichotomy for Reentry Research -- 7. Prison Experiences and Identity in Women's Life Stories: Implications for Reentry -- 8. Does Thinking of Oneself as a "Typical Former Prisoner" Contribute to Reentry Success or Failure? -- PART IV: CONTEXT AND CONSEQUENCES OF INCARCERATION AND REENTRY -- 9. Social Support in Daily Life at Reentry -- 10. Formerly Incarcerated Men's Negotiation of Family Support -- 11. "This Individual May or May Not Be on the Megan's Law Registry": The Sex Offender Label's Impact on Reentry -- PART V: THE INTERPLAY BETWEEN RESEARCH AND POLICY -- 12. Running Away: Probation Revocation Programming in St. Louis County -- 13. Education's Failed Promise: How Public Policies "Educate" a Criminal Underclass -- 14. Mercy-Oriented Reentry and Reintegration: Lessons from Policy, Research, and Practice -- Afterword: Can the Rehabilitative Ideal Survive the Age of Trump? -- Acknowledgments -- References -- About the Editors -- About the Contributors -- Index.