Suchergebnisse

Praise -- Title Page -- Contents -- Foreword -- Introduction -- List of contributors -- Chapter 1: The failure of a generation: the polling debacle of 2015 -- Chapter 2: Mondeo meh: the myth of target voters -- Chapter 3: The (mostly) pre-baked cake: polls and votes -- Chapter 4: Turn over, tune out and log off: the irrelevance of campaigns -- Chapter 5: We don't do God? Religion and vote choice in Britain -- Chapter 6: All swingers now? The rise and rise of the British swing voter -- Chapter 7: Racism at the ballot box: ethnic minority candidates -- Chapter 8: Apathy or alienation? The mystery of the missing young voters -- Chapter 9: Like bears do: turnout and the weather -- Chapter 10: The ghosts of Gower: death and voting -- Chapter 11: On the attack: the role of negative campaigning -- Chapter 12: Positive abstention: supporting none of the above -- Chapter 13: More politics, less voting: the internet paradox -- Chapter 14: Racing certainties: the value of political gambling -- Chapter 15: Why Labour needs a lot of earthquakes: Britain's vanishing marginal seats -- Chapter 16: Guess who's coming to dinner? Romance across party lines -- Chapter 17: Playing on home turf: the importance of issue ownership -- Chapter 18: More similar than you think: parallel publics and the issue agenda -- Chapter 19: They only have themselves to blame: immigration and political legitimacy -- Chapter 20: Neither loved nor trusted: British political parties -- Chapter 21: A growing class divide: MPs and voters -- Chapter 22: When do women vote for women? The role of gender ideology -- Chapter 23: Effective but unpopular? Gender quotas -- Chapter 24: Neither Arthur nor Martha: gender identities -- Chapter 25: Immigration or visibility? Ethnic minority representation -- Chapter 26: Worse than estate agents: the problem of political trust

Considering how the British policy process deals with "conscience" issues, this book covers eight topics discussed by Parliament in the last quarter of a century - abortion, censorship, divorce, Sunday trading, homosexuality, war crimes, disability rights and animal welfare

Trata dos principais topicos discutidos pelo parlamento nos ultimos anos: aborto, censura, divorcio, comercio aos domingos, homossexualismo, direito dos deficientes e proteção aos animais.

Based on experience of over 1000 interviews with British members of parliament, this article explains why members of parliament are difficult to get access to; offers tips to gain access to them, as well as ideas for how to get the most of out of them once they have agreed. It sets out one Golden Rule of dealing with political elites and also discusses the problems of attempting surveys.

In late 2010 the leaders of the major British political parties were the most inexperienced of the post-war era. This short article discusses this development. It shows how unusual this is, comparing the leaders of 2010 to their post-war predecessors. It demonstrates that this development is unlikely to be some fluke, before considering the causes of the transformation, which it suggests can be attributed to two things: the changes in the election methods used by the political parties – which seem to have led to less experienced candidates being elected – as well as the changing nature of political 'experience', with career politicians gaining political experience before entering the Commons.

Abstract:The Conservative parliamentary party will fulfill three important functions for any incoming Conservative government: it will be the focus of attention for the national media; it will be the bulk vote that will deliver its legislative programme; it will form the talent pool from which members of any incoming government will be recruited. A majority Conservative government could see a majority of its MPs newly elected, with more Conservative women and ethnic minority MPs than ever before (although there will be little change in the socio‐economic background of their MPs). These new MPs will present problems in terms of party management, although they will be less likely to rebel than longer‐serving MPs. There are also relatively few signs of discontent among incumbent Conservative MPs (the article identifies the most rebellious Conservative MPs). Any new Conservative government will also have to deal with a reformed House of Lords, in which it will no longer have a majority.