Suchergebnisse

U radu se diskutuje stepen socijalne uključenosti Roma u Srbiji kao kritični pokazatelj društvene kohezije. Na istorijskim i aktuelnim statističkim podacima se pokazuje da Romi u Srbiji, kao i u drugim evropskim zemljama, imaju vekovno iskustvo marginalizacije i diskriminacije. Od sedamdesetih godina prošlog veka postepeno su stvoreni politički i institucionalni uslovi za njihovu kulturnu, političku i društvenu afirmaciju. S porastom njihove vidljivosti i homogenosti postalo je još značajnije, uspešno ih uključiti u društvo i privredu i time postići viši nivo društvene kohezije. Od 2000. godine postignuto je dosta rezultata u socijalnom uključivanju Roma u Srbiji u ključnim oblastima (obrazovanje, zapošljavanje, ekonomsko osnaživanje, stanovanje, antidiskriminacija), ali stanje je daleko od poželjnog. Glavni problem je u političkoj kulturi - stereotipima i predrasudama o Romima i na njima baziranoj marginalizaciji i povremenoj diskriminaciji. Ovakva politička kultura ugrožava jačanje društvene kohezije u Srbiji. ; The paper discusses the level of social inclusion of Romani people in Serbia as a critical indicator of social cohesion. Historical and current statistical data show that Romani people in Serbia, as well as in other European countries, have centuries long experience of marginalization and discrimination. Since the 1970s, the political and institutional conditions for their cultural, political and social affirmation have been gradually constructed. With the growth of their visibility and homogeneousity, it became even more important to include Romani people in society and economy and thus to achieve higher level of social cohesion. Since 2000, many results have been achieved in the social inclusion of Romani people in Serbia in key areas (education, employment, economic empowerment, housing, anti-discrimination), but the state of affairs is still far from desirable. The main problem lies in political culture-stereotypes and prejudices about Romani people and marginalization and occasional discrimination based on them. Such political culture hampers the strengthening of social cohesion in Serbia.

This paper deals with the problem of political clientelism in Serbia broadly defined as the selective distribution of benefits (money, jobs, information, a variety of privileges) to individuals or clearly defined groups in exchange for political support. The main objective is to explain why political clientelism is widespread in Serbia and which key factors determine its shape and intensity. The explanation is based on the analysis of historical factors of development of clientelism in Serbia, as well as on analysis of data from a recent research on informal relations between political and economic elites in Serbia and Kosovo. The paper concludes that clientelism and informality have represented one of the structuring principles of socioeconomic and political development of Serbian society under the conditions of weak formal institutions and socio-historical heritage of late modernization. On the other hand, since 2000 economic and political sphere in Serbia became more open and competitive which influenced change in the character of clientelism in Serbia - the increased rivalry among different clientelistic (sub) networks heightened the chance of opportunistic defection even at the top level, which made political power of patrons more tradable and the relation inside the power network less asymmetric.

Problem institucionalne promene je jedna od centralnih tačaka post-socijalističke transformacije i glavna osa njene održivosti. U Srbiji je ovaj problem bio izražen kroz pitanje kako iskoristiti društvenu energiju skoncentrisanu u građanskom pokretu tokom 90-ih godina prošlog veka za (re)konstrukciju stabilnih društvenih institucija. U ovom radu moja namera je da testiram da li je socijalni kapital koji je očito bio akumuliran u Srbiji u građanskim protestima opstao u formi pozitivne vrednosne orijentacije ka izgradnji demokratskog i tržišno orijentisanog društva. Od mogućih načina shvatanja socijalnog kapitala ja koristim ono najšire koje podrazumeva kolektivni karakter socijalnog kapitala (Štulhofer, 2000). Za empirijsku proveru relacije iz naslova koristim podatke iz nekoliko anketnih istraživanja obavljenih tokom protesta i nakon političkih promena iz 2000. godine. ; The problem of institutional change is one of the focal points of post-socialist transformation and the major axes of it's sustainability. In Serbia this problem was expressed through the question of how to use the social energy that was concentrated in civic movement throughout the 90's for (re)building of stable social institutions. In this paper, my intention is to test whether the social capital that was apparently accumulated in Serbia in the civic protests can persist in the form of positive value orientation towards building of democratic and market oriented society. Out of many ways to understand social capital I am referring to the most wide one, the one that assumes collective trait of the social capital (Štulhofer 2000). Data from couple of surveys conducted in Serbia, during civic protests and after political change of 2000, are used to test the relation from the title empirically.

The paper discusses the level of social inclusion of Romani people in Serbia as a critical indicator of social cohesion. Historical and current statistical data show that Romani people in Serbia, as well as in other European countries, have centuries long experience of marginalization and discrimination. Since the 1970s, the political and institutional conditions for their cultural, political and social affirmation have been gradually constructed. With the growth of their visibility and homogeneousity, it became even more important to include Romani people in society and economy and thus to achieve higher level of social cohesion. Since 2000, many results have been achieved in the social inclusion of Romani people in Serbia in key areas (education, employment, economic empowerment, housing, anti-discrimination), but the state of affairs is still far from desirable. The main problem lies in political culture-stereotypes and prejudices about Romani people and marginalization and occasional discrimination based on them. Such political culture hampers the strengthening of social cohesion in Serbia.

Produbljivanje ekonomske krize u Argentini krajem 90-ih i početkom 2000-ih uz drastičan pad nacionalnog dohotka, visoke stope inflacije, masovnu nezaposlenost stanovništva pratila je pojava preduzeća koja su oporavili njihovi radnici (špan. Empresas recuperadas por sus trabajadores - ERT), firmi preuzetih u stečajnom postupku od strane radnika organizovanih na principima samoupravljanja i u pravnoj formi kooperativa. Njihova pojava, međutim, bila je uslovljena i određenim istorijski uspostavljenim obrascima, poput tradicionalnog državnog intervencionizma, dugoročnog postojanja sindikalnih organizacija, duboke ukorenjenosti radničkih borbi, razvijenim oblicima kooperativizma i sl. Na osnovu rezultata poslednjeg istraživanja, u Argentini danas postoji više od 300 ERT koja zapošljavaju preko 13000 radnika (Ruggeri et al 2014). Osnovni cilj rada je da se ukaže na najznačajnije ekonomske i društvene pretpostavke pojave ERT tokom poslednje dve decenije. Pored toga, ovde se nastoji da se na osnovu rezultata istraživanja ERT koja su realizovana u poslednjih deset godina i istorijske analize normativno-institucionalnog okvira ukaže na način na koji su zakonski i institucionalni okvir uslovili oblike i domete razvijenosti ERT. ; The phenomenon of ERTs in Argentina (Empresas recuperadas por sus trabajadores) gains popularity from the financial crisis years of 1999-2002. The resulting drastic fall in gross national product, high rates of inflation, increased levels of unemployment, poverty etc., reflected the severe weaknesses and limitations of the neoliberal institutions in Argentina. This phenomenon was also determined by specific historical patterns, such as the state interventionism, a long tradition of trade unionism and workers' struggles as well as a long and extensive tradicion of cooperativism. According to the latest survey, there are more than 300 ERT in Argentina (311), employing over 13.000 workers. (Ruggeri et al 2014). The survey results show that 95% of the ERT are self-organized under the organizational and legal framework of workers' cooperatives. The main objective of this paper is to provide a political economic and social overview of the rise and establishment of ERTs in Argentina over the past two decades. Moreover, the legal and institutional preconditions that significantly encourage, limit, and condition the scope of workers' cooperatives, will be analyzed. In this analysis we will rely on the results of research on ERT that have been done in last 10 years, as well as on historical analysis of legal and institutional framework.

U tekstu se analizira promena regrutacijskih obrazaca ekonomske i političke elite u Srbiji na osnovu podataka prikupljenih u našim anketnim istraživanjima u 1989, 1993. i 2004. godini. Naša hipoteza je da su se obrasci regrutacije elita promenili nakon promene političkog režima u 2000. godini, ali u drugačijem pravcu nego tokom 1990-ih. Iz dugoročne perspektive, očekujemo dalji porast značaja visokog obrazovanja za regrutaciju elita i izjednačavanje njegovog značaja za regrutaciju političke i ekonomske elite. S druge strane, očekujemo opadanje značaja pripadnosti vladajućim političkim partijama kod ekonomske elite, zajedno sa rastućim značajem društvenog umrežavanja u periodu produžene slabosti institucionalnog okruženja. Da bismo proverili našu opštu hipotezu opisaćemo među- i unutar-generacijske obrasce pokretljivosti. Značaj obrazovanja, pripadnosti političkim strankama i umrežavanja kao kanala pokretljivosti analiziramo putem modela logističke regresije. Takođe, poredimo promene u regrutacijskim obrascima elite sa promenama u obrascima pokretljivosti društvenih klasa u Srbiji, u periodu 1989-2004. ; In this paper the changing patterns of economic and political elite recruitment in Serbia are studied on the basis of three sets of data, collected in our surveys done in 1989, 1993 and 2004. Our hypothesis was that elite recruitment patterns changed after the political regime change in 2000, but in a different direction compared to the period of the 1990s. From a long-term perspective, we expect continuing increases in the relevance of higher education for elite recruitment, and equalization of the relevance of higher education for both the political and economic elites. On the other hand, we expect decreasing relevance for political affiliation among the economic elite, accompanied by an increasing importance of social networking during the period of a prolonged weak institutional environment. In order to test our general hypothesis we describe inter- and intra-generational patterns of recruitment. The relevance of education, party membership and networking as mobility channels is analyzed by model of logistic regression. We also compare changes in patterns of elites' recruitment with changing mobility patterns of social classes in Serbia, 1989-2004.

Tekst se zasniva na rezultatima empirijskog istraživanja koje je realizovano na uzorku učesnika beogradskog Protesta 96/97. Prezentovani nalazi istraživanja odnose se na sociodemografske karakteristike učesnika Protesta, njihov politički profil, karakter protesta, odnosno zahteve koje ističu demonstranti, kao i na njihovo ponašanje za vreme Protesta. ; The text is based on the results of an empirical survey an a sample of participants in the Belgrade 96/97 Protest. The research findings presented here relate to the socio-demographic characteristics of protest participants, their political profile, nature of the protest, i.e. demands put forward by the demonstrators, as well as their behavior during the Protest.